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H I S T O R Y
Punjabi
Muslims and Creation of Pakistan- 2
Professor J.S.
Grewal
THE
Punjabi Muslim leaders, whether in towns or in the countryside, were keen to see
their communitarian interests served through petitions and representations or
whatever little of constitutional politics were there in the Punjab in the form
of municipalities and the legislative council. In the former, they had to
contest elections on the basis of joint or separate electorates; and in the
latter, they were simply nominated till the Act of 1909 which introduced an
element of election.
Already, in 1906
the All-India Muslim League had been founded. In the Punjab, there was an
acute rivalry between Muhammad Shafi and Fazl-i Hussain. In 1907, there
were two Muslim Leagues in the Punjab under their respective leadership.
Three members of the Muslim League were elected to the Punjab Council in 1909 on
the basis of separate electorates. Fazl-i Husain was elected in 1916.
He participated in the deliberations of the Indian National Congress and the All
India Muslim League at Lucknow in 1916 when the Congress-League Pact was
formulated. He participated in the Khilafat movement too.
The Act of 1919
introduced separate electorates for the Sikhs too, with a weightage at the cost
of both Hindus and Muslims. Fazl-i Husain was elected to the Punjab
Council and invited by the Governor to be the first minister. He formed a
Rural Party in the Assembly with the support of some Hindu and Sikh members.
After the elections of 1923, it was given the impressive name of the Unionist
Party.
The Unionist
Party ensured for leaders of the Punjabi Muslims a dominant share in political
power. It could thus contain the Muslim League which was interested
primarily in safeguarding and promoting Muslim interests. As the minister for
education, Fazl-i Husain tried to promote Muslim interests in jobs and
admissions to academic institutions, justifying this policy by pointing to the
relative shortage of Muslims in institutions. His policies hit the urban Hindus
and Sikhs but not the rural Hindus and Sikhs. The policies pursued by the
Unionist Party were broadly pro-rural. This actually meant that they worked in
the interest of the landholders, especially large land-holders.
The Unionist
policies had the backing of the British rulers of the Punjab. In 1900, a radical
shift in their policy was embodied in the Punjab Alienation of Land Act. The
favourable position created by the Act for the land-holders of the Punjab was
consolidated through further legislation before and after the Act of 1919.
Suspicious of
the Congress from the very beginning, and consequently of the new urban middle
class of the Punjab which was dominated by Hindus, the colonial rulers were keen
to create and perpetuate vested interests for prolonging their hold on the
Punjab which was becoming increasingly important to them for various reasons.
The regional sentiment to which the Unionist Party could appeal tended to
neutralize the appeal of nationalism, whether secular or religious. It is
not surprising that the Unionist Party managed to remain in power till nearly
the end of colonial rule in the Indian subcontinent.
Unlike the
Congress (and the Akalis in the Punjab), the Unionists did not bycott the Simon
Commission. They were satisfied with the constitutional reforms of 1919 and
wanted further extension on the same lines, involving extended franchise on the
basis of separate electorates. They favoured the idea of ending Dyarchy and
providing for greater provincial autonomy. In short, they were keen to
reinforce and expand the existing constitutional provisions in the interest of
the countryside which was dominantly Muslim.
Their demands
carried the implication of more political power for the leaders of the Punjabi
Muslims. The so-called ‘Communal Award’ was immediately acceptable to them
as much as to the Muslim League. The Congress was indifferent. The Akalis alone
were positively and strongly opposed to the award but they had no option. They
accepted the Act of 1935 which embodied only a slight modification of the award.
The Act of 1935
strengthened the position of the Punjabi Muslims as the dominant partners in the
politics of the province. When Fazl-i Husain died in 1936, his mantle fell on
Sikandar Hayat as the leader of the Unionist Party. The Unionists won 95
out of the 175 seats in the elections of 1937. Twenty other members joined the
Unionists to give them an absolute majority in the Legislative Assembly.
The results of
the elections of 1937 appeared to demonstrate that no other political party
could ever compete with the Unionists. Of the 55 members in the
Opposition, 19 were independent, 18 from the Congress, and 10 from the Shiromani
Akali Dal. The Majlis-i Ahrar-i Islam-i Hind, founded by Maulana Hibib ur-Rahman
Ludhianavi in 1931, had the support of important leaders like Ataullah Shah
Bukhari, Maulana Daud Ghaznavi and Maulana Mazhar Ali Azhar. The Ahrar
leaders were earlier associated with the Congress, especially during the
Khilafat movement. However, they derived inspiration from religion, advocated
tabligh, and hobnobbed with Pirs. They were opposed to the Ahmadiyas in religion
and to the Muslim League in politics.
Nevertheless,
the Ahrars joined the Muslim League Board before the elections of 1937 though
they left it within a month to fight the elections on their own. They won only
two seats. Similarly, the Majlis-i Itihad-i Millat, founded in 1935
by a former Khilafat leader, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, joined the Muslim League
Board but only to leave it for contesting the elections independently of the
League. Only two of their candidates won the elections. It is interesting
to note that these parties could think of joining hands with the Muslim League
after having worked closely with the Congress. However, the Muslim League
itself won only two seats and one of the elected candidates joined the
Unionists. The League was far from representing the Punjabi Muslims.
[To be continued]
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