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F E A T U R E S
The Plight of
the Poor
Vinod Anand
IT
is stated that the poor pay higher prices for (non-branded) commodities of daily
use like vegetables, pulses, legumes, ad do the marginal poor farmers with the
small land holdings. The reason they have less income (liquidity/cash) than
others, and hence lesser buying power, and, as such, they cannot buy in bulk.
The reverse of this hypothesis is also true as richer people end up paying lower
prices.
This is strongly
supported by a recent research conducted by Vijayendra Rao in three Karnataka
villages. This is one side of the story. The other part relates to the low
prices (almost five times less) that the poor (marginal) farmers receive for
their limited end products they sell, if any to the intermediaries between them
and the ultimate demanders.
The essence of
this argument is that the poor (including the marginal farmers) finally end up
paying higher prices as consumers and receiving lower prices as primary
producers. They are, therefore, at a double disadvantage and their net well
being gets tremendously reduced. This twin hypothesis of ‘lower-income and
higher consumer- prices’, and ‘lower-income and lower producer-prices’
eventually pauperises the poor in a crucial way, and leads to many serious
implications for the economy as a whole.
One impact of
this perverse situation is that despite that child labour, which is socially
undesirable, and violates human rights in all respects, continues to be an
important segment of the Indian labour force. There are shocking facts about
child labour in India. a look at the facts reveal disturbing pattern.
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The number
of full time child labour workers increased from 13.4 million in 1951 to
14.5 million in 1961, and then later decreased to 12.7 million;
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Marginal
child labour increased from 2.4 million in 1981 to 10.5 million in 1991;
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A massive
group of children referred to as ‘nowhere children’ (appearing neither
in official labour statistics nor in the education statistics) in the
age-group of 5 to 14 years, who are neither in school nor in labour force,
number about 74 million;
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The combined
total of full-time child workers, marginal child workers, and ‘nowhere
children’ amounts to over 97 million or about 40 per cent of the 5 to 14
years child population;
The twin
supposition of ‘lower-income and higher consumer-prices’ and ‘lower-income
and lower producer-prices’ adds to this already worsening situation of child
labour because child labour generates extra income and extra output, both of
which are badly required by the poor families, essentially the marginal farmers,
to buy enough so that they also pay like others just the normal prices, and sell
enough so that they also charge like others higher prices than they charge
otherwise.
If this twin
hypothesis of ‘lower-income and higher consumer-prices’ and ‘lower-income
and lower producer-prices’ is included in estimating the absolute poverty
level, then the poverty level should be higher than what is indicated by
official data. In other words, absolute poverty line, being a direct function of
the general price index, shifts upwards as the general price index moves up with
higher prices paid by the majority of the poor, especially the farmers in this
context.
Again, if both
the variables (higher income and lower prices) of the reverse hypothesis of ‘
higher-income and lower prices’ are also included in poverty line
calculations, it can be seen that the poverty over time becomes more dramatic
than shown otherwise in the sense that the fall in poverty over time will be
much more than shown officially. In fact, official data only talk of higher
incomes, and this reduces poverty over time, and ignores the effect of higher
incomes in lowering prices.
The inclusion of
the hypothesis of ‘lower-income and higher-prices’, and its reverse
‘higher-income and lower-prices’ in the poverty line calculations will
surely project an extremely different poverty scenario as compared to what is
shown otherwise by official data.
The twin
hypothesis also encourages the poor to go for larger families to be able to
attain scale economies by buying enough of each commodity, and by (producing
and) selling enough of farm products, if any to qualify for normal prices. This
perhaps is an additional reason as to why poor households tend to have larger
families. The twin hypothesis, therefore, in the long run works against the
population control policy.
The twin
hypothesis as propounded is perhaps well grounded in Indian reality. To
statistically establish this we need to probe further qualitatively (on the
basis of interviews), and quantitatively (on the basis of administered
questionnaires). And verified with cross-site analytical case studies, and also
in terms of the econometrics of the poor people covering determinants of their
livelihood and survival, unemployment, and other miseries they face, and also in
terms of the political economy of the poor covering the role of the Government
to ameliorate the lot of the poor.
The author is
presently placed at the national University of Lesotho (vinodkanand2002@yahoo.co.uk)
BACK
BOOK:
ANTI-COLONIAL ANGST
Atamjit Singh
Gopal
Singh Chandan – A Short Biography & Memoirs by Amarjit Chandan. Centre for
Migration Studies, Lyallpur Khalsa College Jalandhar, Punjab – India
Punjab Centre
for Migration Studies has published 5 booklets to "highlight the lives of
overseas Punjabis who have either made a substantial contribution to the society
in which they have settled or have played a vital role in building Diaspora
Punjabi communities' institutional infrastructure". One of the booklets
focuses on Gopal Singh Chandan (1898–1969), a settler in Kenya who ultimately
left the country of his choice. But he made significant contribution to
trade unions and anti-colonial movement.
An important
feature of Gopal Singh Chandan: A Short Biography and Memoirs is that the
biographer Amarjit Chandan, now settled in England, is not only his son but
also a well-known writer of Punjabi. The publication, in addition to a
brief description of the socio-political scenario of India and Kenya in the
early decades of last century, helps its reader to know both the Chandans from
close quarters. The translated version of the memoirs of the elder Chandan,
though was an emotional journey for the son, provides its readers some valuable
information about Makhan Singh, Ghadar Kirti activists in Kenya and Ishar Das.
Ishar was an arrogant Legislative Councillor of Kenya who inflicted pains to his
own countrymen and was later murdered by fellow Indians. One of the assailants,
Bujha, had sought shelter in Gopal Singh's photo studio.
Gopal
Singh Chandan. 1929
He was deeply
involved in community work and played a pivotal role in the management of two
Gurudwaras and one Sikh school, in addition to organizing Kavi Darbars, and the
programmes of a literary society called 'Kavya Phulwari'. Gopal Singh became a
whole-time activist when his middle son Swaran became competent in handling
father's photo studios. Gopal Singh's support to Ghadar movement activists make
his account really striking. His opposition to establishment of caste-based
Gurudwaras and separation of electorate based on religion, makes his
contribution remarkable, not only in the growth of freedom movement in Kenya but
also in his understanding of ethos of humanistic Sikhism.
Gopal
Singh Chandan (garlanded) and Makhan Singh (with glasses) on his right.
Nairobi. January 1950.
Makhan Singh,
the founder of East African trades union movement, spent 17 years in prison for
Indian and Kenyan independence.
Amarjit Chandan
has also underlined his father's contribution in popularizing Punjabi language
in Kenya. He was instrumental in introduction of subject of Punjabi in schools.
Oriental courses like Gyani were also started and Gopal Singh enthusiastically
brought Punjabi books from India for selling them on non-profit basis in Kenya,
largely as a labour of love. Another contribution lies in the fact that he was
in charge of the trade union activities of Kenya, when Makhan Singh was in India
during 1940-1947. A man of the mass movements, he was also a good photographer
and a singer who carried his harmonium from India. Portrayed as a devoted
Gursikh, he was also a member of the Communist Party of India. Amarjit Chandan
describes the painful reaction of his father on knowing that the son has
embraced the Naxalite ideology in India. He regrettably writes, "I cry for
my father with remorse and feeling that he was right." Gopal Singh's
memoirs included in the booklet offer an interesting reading.
Amarjit
Chandan. 2005
Written
intensely from the core of his heart, yet based on facts and presented in a well
formulated manner, supported by valuable photographs and a befitting glossary to
decode cultural expressions, the booklet promises a material of great historical
worth and literary importance. The genuineness of this effort must be applauded,
though one wishes that the size of the volume were a little larger.
Dr Darshan S
Tatla heads this Centre. Email: dtatla@yahoo.co.uk
[Courtesy: Hindustan Times.
Chandigarh. 09 Jan 2007]
Atamjit Singh is a Punjabi
playwright and is principal of ASSM College, Mukandpur, district Nawan Shahr,
East Punjab
E-mail: atamjit_pwright@rediffmail.com
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