Issue 43 Vol II, July 15, 2007

F O C U S

The Tragic Melodrama
Gobind Thukral

TWO relatively unknown maulvis, Aziz and his chic tongued younger brother; Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazi catapulted to international stardom only presents the certain touch and directorial capability of the behind the scenes players. As Ayaz Amir observed in daily Dawn, “Vowing martyrdom and suicide bombings and God knows what; their rhetoric and threats were so effective that it was generally believed that short of a pitched battle they would not be evicted from their mosque and seminary transformed over the last couple of years into a fortress, under the benign eye of the Musharraf administration.” But they did not last long.

Two other cases, one in India and the other in Saudi Arabia illustrate the point about use of violence as weapon of statecraft; letting things worsen and then upstage an attack to take political advantage.

When negotiations with Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his supporters, who were holed up in the Harmandir Sahib Complex, failed, then-Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi ordered the army to blitz the Golden Temple complex.

Codenamed Operation Blue Star, the build-up began on June 3, 1984. It involved elements of Border Security Force, Central Reserve Police Force, 10 Guards, 1 Para Commandos, Special Frontier Force, 26 Madras and 9 Kumaon, with elements of 12 Bihar. This force consisted was supported by some tanks from 16 Cavalry and infantry fighting vehicles and armoured personnel carriers from 8 Mechanised Battalion. Despite careful planning, the level of resistance took the Indian army by surprise. The fighting was fierce but so was the resolve of the state. When the dust settled down later, official figures of casualties put the killed and injured for security forces at 83 and 249 respectively and 493 and 86 for the insurgents. Unofficial figures were much higher.

The second case relates to the November 1979 capture of Ka’aba by extremist Juhayman al-’Utaybi and his fellow rebels. They were heavily armed and holed up in the complex, which has an extensive network of tunnels. Negotiations having failed, the Saudi government called in French paratroopers to deal with the problem. They came up with a simple plan: water was released in the tunnels and electric cables thrown in to electrocute the extremists. The rebels floated out like dead fish.

The Lal Masjid story has been constantly in the forefront in Pakistan for the past several months like these two other events. It was well covered and laced  with the interviews of killed articulate  and educated Ghazi by the western media. But the story did not start last year or even during the regime of the present military ruler. It took roots in 1979 when America recruited Pakistan and led by a willing Gen Ziaul Haq, as a front-line state against the Russian Communists who had invaded Afghanistan. The whole Pakistani society already suffering under the atrocious rule of the military [army has ruled half of the time of its 60 years of post independent existence] was to become later the world of rabid jihadis. Pakistani madressahs that sprouted like mushrooms were flush with money coming from America and Saudi Arabia and along with were training camps for the 'mujahideen' or holy warriors.  It was jihad or holy war in which every Muslim was expected to participate. Close by there was a task cut by the Pakistani intelligence [ISI] for the jihadis to liberate Indian Kashmir. The links between Pakistan's intelligence agencies and the 'militant Islamists' or 'terrorists' as the mujahideen are now called, are all too evident. Those from the Lal Masjid are no exception.

Spread over 6,000 square yards the complex has about 75 rooms in four floors at one end, with a virtual labyrinth of basements further interconnected by recently made tunnels. Most of the land was illegally usurped and the government looked the other way as these jihadis were to be useful. The presence of these tunnels confirmed that the inhabitants expected violence; they were not digging them out with their fingers but used sophisticated equipment. The attacking forces had tough task flushing the terrorists out, as they wanted to avoid collateral damage of killing women and children who were incarcerated.

After a stand-off that lasted over a week, the Lal Masjid crisis met its violent end. But for log time questions will continue to haunt: Was the drama staged? Were the deaths that occurred during the operation avoidable? What about the old well- known links between the Lal Masjid clerics and the Pakistani establishment, particularly the intelligence which first supplied them the arms and the ammunition and later allowed them to build an arsenal and run a state within the state? Why did the final attempts to reach a deal flounder?  Was there some outside power seeking the commando action?   Also, why were the madressahs administrators able to enroll so many minor pupils at the institution with no apparent system of regulation? Why they were able to amass so large and dangerous an arsenal of arms within a building located in the heart of Islamabad. This obviously happened with official connivance and support over many years. And, above all why were they allowed to form vigilante and start moral policing of the nation’s capital and kill foreign citizens.

Who would believe that the vast intelligence network in Pakistan maintained with tax-payers support was so weak they it was not aware of several wanted militants, accused of involvement in various terrorist acts, and enjoyed safety and comforts within the mosque until the very last hours.  The government is yet to reveal their identity.  The fact that they lives  in the federal capital, the most  guarded city in the country, can once against suggest  that they have dangerous links in key centres of power or else the intelligence services are even more incompetent than is generally assumed.

Awami National Party (ANP) NWFP parliamentary leader Bashir Ahmed Bilour  like many others alleged  the government had plotted the Lal Masjid incident to justify the army’s further rule in the country. Bilour said the Lal Masjid was a fake and planned incident aimed to deceive the world that fundamentalists were in control of the Pakistani capital and that it was necessary for the army to stay in power to crush them.

President Musharraf has now admitted the obvious, that militancy and terrorism did not come to an end with the completion of Operation Silence on  July 10. He also assured Pakistanis in his address to the nation that mosques and seminaries would no longer be permitted to be used as centres of militancy and terrorism. "We resolve to uproot militancy and terrorism from every nook and corner of the country." But he has been giving these kinds of assurances for years now. If he had uprooted religious militancy, and the attendant bombings and extremist violence, Pakistan would not been a frightening place. It is all sham rhetoric with little substance. Why is he silent about other serious questions being debated in the society?

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Attack on the Red Mosque: Pakistan into a Deeper Crisis
Swaraj Singh

THE just happened attack on the Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) is likely to push Pakistan into a deep crisis that raises possibilities of increased suicide bombings, a civil war and eventual disintegration. This attack has sharpened many contradictions. President Musharraf is supported by the army, which mostly hails from Punjab. The militant leaders were from the Northwest Frontier province. The Pakistani army is likely to face more attacks in the Northwest Frontier province. Even in Karachi, which is located in the Sindh province, there were large demonstrations against the attack.

There is also a growing contradiction between the westernized elite who supported the attack, and the ordinary people who are not supportive of the attack. This trend becomes clear when one reads the English newspapers, which are mostly read by the elite. The English newspapers have been generally supportive of the attack whereas the Urdu newspapers have generally shown more reservations or even criticized the attack. Most of the ordinary people read the Urdu newspapers.

There is also a growing polarization between the Islamic radicals and the moderates. The moderates have supported the attack, whereas the radicals have strongly condemned the attack. Ayman al-Zawahiri, the 2nd in command of Al Qaeda, while strongly condemning the attack, has given a call to the Pakistanis to wage Jihad (Holy war) against President Musharraf. This should be taken very seriously because a just released report by the National Intelligence Estimate in America has stated that Al Qaeda is getting stronger. The report concludes that Al Qaeda is better organized and has increased its capability to launch attacks compared to last year.

By launching this attack, President Musharraf has clearly taken sides in the conflict between Islam and the west. President Bush has called him a strong ally in the war against terrorism. Will President Musharraf face the same fate as Anwar Sadat, another American ally? Already, several attempts have been made on President Musharraf’s life, including a recent one when his plane narrowly missed a rocket attack. Anwar Sadat was killed by his own army while taking a salute from the marching army. It is also possible that the contradiction between the elite and the ordinary people may influence the Pakistani army. Some of the junior officers may turn against President Musharraf because of the attack on a mosque. These officers may have different religious sentiments than the higher officers.

The radical Islam is growing stronger in the middle east, Iran, and Afghanistan. If it destabilizes Pakistan, that will have a major impact not only on the region, but also on the entire world because Pakistan is a very strategically located country with a population much larger than Iraq, Iran, or Afghanistan. America has already started working on an alliance with Japan, Australia, and India against China and Islam. America wants to contain China by encircling it with its allies. The question remains that if the radical Islam wins in Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, then India, with a very large Muslim population and a growing Naxalite movement that can reach the level of Nepal; can India take the risk of being seen as an American ally? The Naxalites can join hands with the radical Muslims against the Indian government by using the Maoist logic of “The enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Contrary to Condoleeza Rice’s advice, nonalignment is still the best policy for India. India should carefully watch and see what happens to an American ally next door before becoming one itself.

 [ Sawraj Singh, MD F.I.C.S. is  Chairman, Washington State Network for Human Rights
  3910 Thrall Road, Ellensburg, WA 98926, USA]

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Indian Left and West Bengal
Gobind Thukral

Despite impressive achievements, the left front government dominated by the communists is showing sings of fatigue.  For 30 long years, the Left Front lead by the communists party Marxist [CPM] has had an uninterrupted rule over that state which was once plagued by dissensions and instability. There are monumental achievements; rarely matched by any other coalition and less by an ideologically cohesive front.

Rarely have communists won through free elections conducted under the preying eyes of the not so well disposed of election commission and a hostile central government. Efforts of the communists to come to power were reputedly thwarted in Kerala kernel and Bengal.  Internationally also, there is no example to match to rule a state of 80 million people through ballot under adverse circumstances with the entire political class arraigned against the communists. Octogenarian leader Joyti Basu and long time chief minister of West Bengal is not wrong when he claims that they have survived by committed hard work for the benefit of the people.

Communists have proved that Left’s policies and programmes are relevant and shown their skilled commitment to the art of democracy in a bourgeoisie’s setup. Power does flow from the barrel of the gun but it can flow through the power of the ballot too. This experiment has been the subject of various serious studies worldwide. It would be knave to assume this repeated victory at the elections since 1977 has been possible through a sheer organizational muscle of the CPM or Communist Party of India, Forward Bloc and Revolutionary Socialist Party. They have struck deep roots among the people.  The Left front proved beyond doubt in 2006 elections that its triumph was not by sheer manipulation and rigging, but because of its pro people policies and programmes. Its impact was felt countrywide. It had won 235 seats of 294 in the face of stiff opposition from all the political parties put together.

The achievements are many and impressive. The highest include land reform  which are  most successful in India, except in  Kerala , an unblemished record of communal harmony, stable, relatively clean governance, India's most advanced rural Panchayati Raj institutions, and above all, the politicisation and empowerment of the masses. The Left Front brought political stability and fought the left extremists, the Naxalites; result of the Congress misrule.

The Operation Barga land reform, which gave 2.3 million cultivators tenancy rights, accounts for more than one-half of the total acreage transferred under land reforms in India. The emphasis was for a radical land reforms programme, and more than 13 lakh acres of land have been distributed among the poor and landless people.  About 83 percent of agricultural land is in the possession of the poor and marginalised peasants.

 Celebrated Left  leader  Basu in a recent interview claimed, “We also laid emphasis on agricultural development, on decentralisation of power through the three-tier Panchayat system and municipalities, on ensuring one-third reservations for women in the Panchayati Raj system, and on grant of voting right on the age of 18 years in municipal and Panchayat bodies. Agricultural production has increased. We have also prioritised the micro and small-scale industries.”

The Front inherited a decaying Kolkata, but has transformed it into a South Asian-style thriving metropolis. In some social sectors too, the LF's performance is praiseworthy: a 210 per cent increase in literacy and a halving of the infant mortality ratio. Also remarkable is the decline in the urban poverty ratio to 14.8 per cent, much below the national average of 25.7 per cent. West Bengal has the highest GDP growth rate of 8.55 per cent of all states.

However, the Front's record in some other respects is not satisfactory. As experts note public spending and access to health services have languishing in relation to population. Some health indicators; immunisation, antenatal care, nutrition among women, and the number of doctors and hospital beds per lakh people are below the national average.

The state's rural poverty ratio decreased from 63.6 per cent in 1983 to 41.2 per cent in 1993-94 -- an annual decline of 2.24 percentage-points. But has slowed down to 1.15 points annually and is poverty ratio is 28.6 per cent, slightly above the national average of 28.3 per cent.

West Bengal also has poor record in generating work under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act -- a mere 14 person-days per poor family, against the national average of 43 days, in place of the promised 100 days a year. It has a poor rating as far anganwadi programme is concerned.  To the dismay of its supporters over ten per cent of rural households are not getting enough food every day in some months of the year. Total food inadequacy in the state stands at 12 per cent; almost double that the poor states like Orissa or Assam.

A worrying aspect of West Bengal's reality is starvation deaths among the workers of North Bengal tea gardens, which have witnessed closures since 2002. In Jalpaiguri district alone, the health department recorded 571 starvation deaths in 15 months. Why the left front has ignored the tea workers' misery is untenable. Another alarming pointer is the number of school dropouts in the 6-14 age groups. At 9.61 lakhs in West Bengal, it is even higher than in Bihar with 6.96 lakhs.

This disturbing picture has forced the Left leaders to look industrialisation at a large scale and want to borrow the China model.  But it can not be done at the cost of peasants and workers. It has set its mind upon projects like the Singur car factory, big extractive industries, and Special Economic Zones -- of the kind it moved to set up at Nandigram. It is true that the government paid more compensation and alternative employment to the ousted peasants, yet as it is brutally evident in the firing in March at Nandigram, killing 14.  For the dominant constituent, the CPM, there is a lesson from the Singur-Nandigram episodes. They ought to change this new mode of development and make peasants partners in industrialisation to reduce the pain. There is need to rethink on neoliberal industrialisation.

There was a time when West Bengal held a prestigious position in respect of industries in the country. But due to a politically motivated licensing system and the policy of freight equalisation pursued by the successive Congress governments at the centre, the state had to suffer a lot and acute industrial stagnation set in. Now after the removal of these regulations and end of the discrimination, it also needed foreign investment for industrial growth.  But it should be based on mutual interest while protecting the legitimate interests of our working people.

Why should the communists forget that when the Tatas or the Ambanis invest, they do so not out of their savings?  They get finance from various public institutions to set up industries. The public sector can do exactly the same. What is then the need to woo likes of Salim group linked to Indonesia's super-corrupt Suharto family? This approach threatens to weaken the LF's greatest collective strength: unity and ideological cohesion. It could erode the Left's support among workers and peasants and eventually turn it into social democrats liked by the emerging middle classes.

The Left must offer and stand by an alternative radical vision for the Indian society and for that it must correct the present course, immediately and genuinely.

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