Issue 54 Vol III, December 31, 2007

L I T E R A T U R E

Re-asserting the Tradition-2
Gurtej Singh

Bhai Santokh Singh had taken upon himself to write a history of personages who represented a new tradition, a new social force, and preached an original spiritual discipline giving birth to a new and different society. They were not Semitic prophets with a clearly defined, rigidly laid down, definitive vision of Reality. They were also not Hindu incarnations, born in a myth of in­determinate antiquity, relevant only to a particular people in a limited geographical area. They were not spiritual leaders seek­ing to secure the well-being of their followers either exclusively in this world or in the other. In short, they represented a phenomenon which was astonishingly original, without a paral­lel or precedent in human history. Santokh Singh had the stupendous task of making the phenomenon simultaneously intelligible to the scholar, the seeker and the common man. Of great relevance was the spiritual transformation brought about by the Gurus. Bhai Santokh Singh had to introduce the gurmukh who was later given the designation of the Khalsa. As a bio­grapher, he had not only to sum up that unique prophethood with unusual and deep concern, but also to relate it to people's worldly hopes, their life in society, their moral well-being and spiritual and political aspirations. He had to make it meaningful and enlightening for the proverbial 'ignorant masses' steeped in political and spiritual slavery. He took his duty seriously. Since his audience belonged to a society which had remained petrified and enslaved for long, with minds conditioned by their social and spiritual milieu, he had to adopt unusual methods to make the Sikh Gurus and Sikh philosophy intelligible to them. It is in this society, and on such a complex subject, that Santokh Singh was eminently successful.16 His interpretation became the source of intellectual and spiritual nourishment for a great majority of the Sikhs, and he ruled the Sikh mind for a whole century. He continues to be the source of Sikh doctrine and history for the scholar and the lay person alike.

As was usual with historians, poets and writers of that age, Bhai Santokh Singh made his creed clear at several places in his writings. All his creedal statements, and they abound, are unambiguous and unequivocal. It is apparent from them all that, in accordance with the orthodox Sikh belief and practice, he was a worshipper of the one omnipotent God, Akal Purkh. He recognized the ten Gurus as one and all of them as manifestations of God. He accepted the Guru Granth as the 'eternal' embodi­ment of the shabad, as a form and essence of the ten Gurus and, of course, of God or His Name, which according to Sikh theology are identical. His concern for a separate Sikh identity is direct, intense and profound. In this context, his exegesis of the Japuji becomes relevant. Written in reaction to Anandghan's interpretation, it was a way of resisting the attempt to project the Sikh faith as a sect of Hinduism. The comments of Bhai Santokh Singh reveal his firm belief that Sikhism is an original sovereign dispensation and superior to all faiths. He also believes that the sects emanating from Brahma, Shiva, Vishnu and other gods are condemnatory of each other and are mutually exclusive. In his opinion the 'faith of our True Guru who is without enmity', stands out in contrast. He is critical of Anandghan and his kind who aim at 'interpolation of the Sikh faith'. He says, 'they themselves will be let down in the effort they are making and no believing Sikh will entertain their views even in a dream'. He specifically repudiates Anandghan's view that the goddess Chandi was Guru Gobind Singh's guru. He reiterates the original Sikh doctrine to refute Anandghan. The Gurus have acknowledged that the One 'Who is the same from beginning to end, is our Guru '. Regarding his personal beliefs, he asserts that he is a Sikh of the Gurus and so he wishes to be known.

Santokh Singh's theory of guruship is integral to his understanding of the Khalsa Panth. It conforms to the original propounded by the Gurus. He believes that all the ten Gurus were in essence one, and that the same light shone in all of them. Similarly, he holds very clear views on the status and salience of guruship. All the Gurus were so much a part of the Supreme Reality that they may be regarded as the Reality itself. He repeatedly refers to the individual Gurus as God (Bhagwan, Brahma). 'The Guru is the image of the Creator. All powerful in every way and capable of creating and destroying the creation. ' The Guru 'is the one like whom there is no other in the world.  Indra and other gods obey him'. In relation to the Guru, Sharda and other gods and goddesses are like servants. When the Guru requests the five initiated ones to initiate him intothe Order of the Khalsa, they reply, 'You are the Lord of the three worlds and all gods and demons worship you. Air and water take orders from you.' This view of the Guru in Sikh thought, faith and doctrine is upheld by Bhai Santokh Singh.

Bhai Santokh Singh's assessment of the period immediately preceding the creation of the Khalsa has great significance. He observes that the Hindus and Muslims were equally hostile to the Sikhs, and violently discouraged them from even visiting the Guru. Wherever there was an opportunity to overpower groups of pilgrims, they did not hesitate to confront them with arms and engage them in battle. At the cost of risking their lives, the Sikhs would pay a visit to the head of their religion. They were victims of extreme intolerance and aggression of both Hindus and Muslims. Much before he created the armed Khalsa, the Guru was obliged to instruct the sangat to sport arms like the army, and to defend themselves. The Sikhs regarded both Hindus and Muslims as their enemies. Bhai Santokh Singh points out that the mission of the Gurus was to create a 'third panth', distinct from the paths of Hindus and Muslims, the Semitic and Indian religions. He believed this to be divinely ordained: 'Well did the Akal Purkh do in creating the third way.' Immediately prior to asking the first five to administer amrit to him, the Guru declared that 'to create the panth is the order of the Lord of the world'. Guru Tegh Bahadur told Aurangzeb that his design of converting all peoples to one religion, namely Islam, was contrary to the will of God who favoured plurality. According to Santokh Singh, a situation lacking plurality is a complete disaster. After the initiation ceremony, the Guru instructed the Khalsa not to offer any allegiance to holy men, persons of other faiths performing miracles or to their kings, and to dismiss all notions of subservience to Hindus or Muslims. The Khalsa was instructed not to revere the objects and concepts held in high esteem in other faiths: 'Tombs, mausoleums and many panths exist but the Khalsa must exhibit discerning mind and hold none in reverence.'

Open proclamation of the faith by an individual was an integral part of the Sikh religion from the earliest times. Due to the openness advocated by the Gurus, every one knew where they stood in relation to a Sikh. This was in sharp contrast to the practice of many sects which deliberately concealed their faith and kept the gurmantar a closely guarded secret. An open declaration of faith was a part of the Gurus' attempt to create a society of socially and morally responsible individuals. Bhai Santokh Singh asserts that, on hearing that the Sikhs of Delhi did not want to be identified as Sikhs after the execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur, Guru Gobind Singh took a firm decision to impart a distinctive look to his pantb. Visible identity was not merely a result of but also an important reason for the creation of the Khalsa. A part of the code of conduct prescribed by the Guru for the Khalsa stemmed from a promise made two and half decades earlier.

Bhai Santokh Singh is very emphatic about the political aspect of the Khalsa. Empowering the politically deprived was among the important reasons for the creation of the Khalsa. To the lineage-conscious rajas, who refused to take amrit for fear of surrendering political eminence, the Guru says, 'the Khalsa will increase and attain to sovereignty'. Politically, the Guru was striving to create an egalitarian society. He declares it to be his aim to entrust political power to the lowest of the low in caste estimation: 'I will accept being called a friend of the poor only when I raise them to rulership. ' The widespread Sikh belief in the prophecy of hanne hanne rriir (a king is every saddle) can be appreciated in this context. The Guru clearly spells out his political vision: the Khalsa was to aim at 'a society of kings'.

For Bhai Santokh Singh, the immediate aim of creating the Khalsa was to assume sovereign political power. 'On seeing the third unique religion in the world the enemy apprehended disaster (and realized that it will) snatch the political power.' The Hindu rajas were aware that the powerful Khalsa would attain to sovereignty. They considered the Khalsa as a serious threat to their pre-eminence.46 The hill kings instructed Qazi Salardin, their advocate, to brief the emperor that after taking amrit, the lowly Jats did not acknowledge the emperor as their ruler.

The Qazi was asked to explain graphically that even those who served the Turks without any wages and led their lives in awe of Islam, now take 'the amrit stirred by the double-edged sword, wear weapons and, by the grace of their Guru do not accept the kings as rulers'.48 The 'constant handling of weapons' and the 'abjuring of cowardice' are the two important articles of  the Khalsa code of conduct.49 Bhai Santokh Singh thus prescribes the pursuit of sovereign status as an essential article of faith and an integral part of the code of conduct for the Khalsa. He envisages three separate and distinct religious entities in India: Hindus, Muslims and the Sikhs. He emphasizes that the Sikhs will overpower the others.

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An Arain freedom fighter
Ishtiaq Ahmed

Punjab's reputation as a loyalist province, which provided the British Indian Army with soldiers and a solid socio-political support base in the form of a dependent landed class, has eclipsed its rather variegated history, which includes heroic tales of resistance to occupation and foreign rule throughout the ages. Thus, for example, Raja Porus, who ruled a principality in northern Punjab in the ancient period, gave stiff resistance to the invading armies of Alexander the Great, but was defeated by the Greeks near Jhelum in 326 BC. The Khatris of Punjab claim him among their ancestors.

According to Kalpana Sahni -- daughter of the famous Rawalpindi-born, Government-College-Lahore-educated Bollywood actor, the late Balraj Sahni, the Khatris of Behra to which their family belongs -- trace their ancestry to Porus. She has narrated this story on the authority of another famous Punjabi Khatri family with a connection to Government College, Lahore, and to Bollywood: Chetan Anand, the noted late Indian filmmaker and elder brother of evergreen, matinee hero Dev Anand.

Then, there is the story of Dulla Bhatti, a Muslim Rajput who led a rebellion against the Mughals during the reign of Akbar. His story has been rendered in both poetry and prose. Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal, claimed both by Muslim Rajputs and Jatts, who took up arms against the British from western Punjab during 1857, is another hero in that tradition.

Closer to our own times, the legend of Bhagat Singh, a Sikh Jatt, has only grown bigger with time, and several Bollywood pictures have been made on that theme. The Kambohs take pride in Udham Singh from their caste who shot dead Sir Michael O'Dwyer, the Punjab governor who originally gave orders for harsh action at Jallianwala, on April 13, 1919. The actual carnage had been ordered on the spot by General Dyer.

However, one great freedom fighter from Punjab whose heroic struggle has not been given proper recognition is Shah Abdul Qadir Ludhianvi. His direct descendant, Maulana Habibur Rahman Sani, who is currently the chief imam of the main Friday Mosque in Ludhiana, in east Punjab, provided me detailed information on him in an interview recorded on Jan 4, 2005, in the courtyard of the mosque.

Maulana Sani's grandfather, Maulana Habibur Rahman, was one of the founders of the Majlis-e-Ahrar, a movement of anti-imperialist nationalist Muslims, who returned to India after spending one day in Lahore in August 1947, arguing that thousands of Muslims remained in east Punjab and they should not be abandoned. That is how that family remained in Ludhiana.

My attention to Maulana Sani was drawn by Baldev Raj Verma, owner of Naseem Hosiery in Ludhiana, whose father, Hansraj, was on the famous Japanese ship, Komagata Maru, in 1914 chartered by Punjabis, mainly Sikhs, to get to Canada. They were refused entry. It resulted in the emergence of the Ghadar Party and the first anti-colonial struggle in early 20th century in Punjab.

Mr Verma informed me that a famous Muslim family of freedom fighters from Ludhiana still lived in the town centre and were in charge of the main mosque, where thousands of Muslims congregated every Friday to pray. Ludhiana is the major industrial city of east Punjab. Indeed workers from all over India come and work there, among them a very large numbers of Muslims from UP and Bihar.

Maulana Habibur Rahman Sani informed me that his family belonged to the Arain biradari (patrilineage). His great, great grandfather, Shah Abdul Qadir Ludhianvi, was the first in Punjab to take up arms against the English East India Company in 1857. He collected a large fighting force, which included Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs, that drove the English out of not only Ludhiana but also Panipat. He then headed to Delhi with his men to support Bahadur Shah Zafar. He fell fighting along with thousands of others at Chandni Chowk in 1857.

In British records Ludhianvi is described as a fiery speaker who exercised considerable influence on the people in that region. Some reports incorrectly describe him as a Gujjar. In any event, the British deprived his family of their property and subjected them to other forms of persecution. The Arains in general were branded as a dangerous group, their lands were confiscated and they were excluded from recruitment in the army; hence their classification as a non-martial group.

However, his descendants continued to support revolutionary struggles and both the Ghadar Party and later Bhagat Singh's associates were aided by them. They also helped Subhash Chandra Bose cross Punjab safely into the North-West Frontier Province. The Tribune, Chandigarh, of Jan 7, 2001, carried a story on the anti-imperialist services of that family.

It is worth remembering that the British adopted similar harsh measures against the Bengalis and Biharis, and some tribes and castes from UP that took part in the Uprising of 1857. They were also declared unfit for military service. Therefore, excluding Arains from the army was consistent with British policy on rebellious tribes and castes.

However, in the ancient, Mughal and Sikh periods, Arains had held prominent positions, such as governors and army generals. Many gotras, or sub-clans, of the Arains bear names that indicate soldiering as an occupation. For example: Ghalar, Gahgeer and Goheer (ferocious horse of armoured corps), Gatku (fencer), Kavali (soldier patrolling while others rest), Basroo (observation post), Bahman (brave, uncontrollable or insurmountable), Bhaila (alms-keeper who walks with the commander when he is giving away alms after a victory), Daulay (those who got land in return for military services), Khatora (spy), Ramay (archers), Rattay (bloody, red, ferocious fighters), Ramday (red -eyed soldiers), Labanay (an army column equipped with batons), Jatalay (victors), Qutub Shahi: (soldiers or their offspring who accompanied Qutubuddin Aibak), Sappal (marksmen), Bahalwan (driver of a chariot), Mudh (logisticians supplying logistics and reinforcement to the army), Teerandaz (archers), Katarband (users of katar, a weapon used by ancient armies) and Bhutto (dwellers of high places).

It would be interesting if some filmmaker in Pakistan could depict the saga of Shah Abdul Qadir Ludhianvi on the silver screen. It would be important to contact his family in Ludhiana for more details, but more importantly the script should remain faithful to the true legacy of that great man. He was by no means a religious fanatic, although he described his struggle against the British as jihad. He was a patriot who joined hands with all communities in the first major struggle against the colonial takeover of the subcontinent.

[The writer is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS), National University of Singapore. Email: isasia@nus.edu.sg Courtesy News International Pakistan]

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