Dr
Swaraj Singh writes from Washington
THE two most significant developments just took
place in the Indian subcontinent, inauguration
of the Maoist leader Parchanda as the Prime Minister
of Nepal and departure of Pakistan’s President
from the political scene. Both the developments
point to the declining American influence in the
world and India’s decreasing influence in
South Asia.
In Nepal, the pro-Indian party, Nepal Congress
that has ruled Nepal for the last fifty years
was badly beaten in the elections by the Maoists. Parchanda’s
first state visit will be to China when he will
be participating in the closing ceremony of the
Beijing Olympics. Not only Nepal is bound
to move away from India toward China but the Maoist
movement that is posing a growing challenge to
the Indian state, will receive a tremendous boost.
Musharraf’s
ouster will invariably lead to the strengthening
of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan. Musharraf
was politically finished in Pakistan the day he
sent the army to attack the Red Mosque. The
American defeat in Afghanistan now looks almost
certain. No area in Afghanistan is safe from
the Taliban, including the American military bases. Karzai
is not only on the retreat but seems to have lost
his mental balance also. He is the only one
in the American camp who is rejoicing Musharraf’s
departure when the reality is that Musharraf’s
ouster will only strengthen Karzai’s enemies. Obviously
his perception of reality is distorted.
The humiliating defeat suffered by Georgia is
actually a very clear indication of the declining
American influence in the world. When President
Bush and Condoleezza Rice talk about punishing
Russia they seem to forget that Russia holds many
cards to retaliate.
Europe has become very dependent on the Russian
energy. Russia supplies about 40% of the
European energy needs. America celebrated
Kosovo’s independence even though it was
against the United Nation’s mandate now
the Russians are paying back in kind in Ossetia
and Abkhezia.
America is arming Russia’s neighbors such
as Georgia, Ukraine, Poland, and the Czech Republic.
However it does not realize that even in this
race Russia holds the ace. Russia can arm
Iran. Whereas the Russian neighbors can never
be expected to attack Russia, Iran will not hesitate
to attack Israel.
It appeared that America’s response to the
growing influence of China, resurgence of Russia
and the rise of the Islamic fundamentalism was
to form an alliance of America, Israel, and India.
Now it appears that this alliance is in shambles.
America is bogged down in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Israel cannot even control Hezbollah leave alone
the entire Middle East. India is facing a
dual challenge from the Maoists and the Islamic
fundamentalists. The Indian Prime Minister
has acknowledged that the Naxalites (Maoists)
have become the biggest internal security threat. Recent
developments in Kashmir have shown that it is
becoming increasingly difficult for India to control
this area. With Musharaf gone and strengthening
of the Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan, the
situation in Kashmir is likely to become worse.
India will be too much occupied by these developments
and will not be of much use to America as far
as countering the growing influence of China.
India should very seriously reconsider joining
the anti-Chinese, anti-Russian, and anti-Islamic
alliance. Such an alliance may lead to disastrous
consequences. The traditional neutrality
may be the only option. India’s traditional
friendship with Russia emerged out of India’s
true needs. India should not overestimate
its strength and take upon China.
[Sawraj Singh, M.D. FICS is Chairman Washington
State Network for Human Rights]
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Afghanistan: Taliban
fill power void in Kabul?
Anand Gopal of IPS writes from
Kabul
THE ambush that killed 10 NATO soldiers outside
of Kabul on , the worst battlefield loss for western
forces since the war began, was the capstone in
a week of high-profile insurgent activities in
Afghanistan.
Although North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)
forces returned fire, killed dozens of rebels
and repelled the assault, the attack was a major
propaganda victory for the Taliban and highlights
a growing predicament faced by western officials:
the insurgency appears to be growing in confidence
despite losing most battles with international
forces.
Nearly 100 rebels ambushed a team of French soldiers
with rockets and mortars in a mountain defile
near Sarobi, a town about 30 km to the east of
the capital city. In addition to the 10 dead,
21 were wounded in what became an hours-long firefight
in which the U.S. provided air cover for their
beleaguered allies.
In response to the assault, the largest loss of
French personnel since a suicide bomber struck
the French embassy in Beirut in 1983, French President
Nicolas Sarkozy arrived in Kabul Aug. 20 to reassure
French forces.
Insurgents staged an ambitious assault on a U.S.
military base in the southeastern province of
Khost. A car bomb detonated outside the base's
main gate, killing 10 civilians, and a second
car bomb nearly did the same before Afghan Security
forced shot the driver dead.
The next day up to 30 guerrillas fired rockets
at the base while a volley of suicide bombers
rushed towards the gates. U.S. forces repelled
the assault, but the insurgents' complex offensive
drive signals their swelling confidence.
"The Taliban are stronger and more confident,"
says Waliullah Rahmani of the Kabul Center for
Strategic Studies. "They are launching more
complex attacks and have grown more assertive."
According to the International Security Assistance
Force (ISAF), the armed coalition that NATO heads,
hundreds of Taliban fighters have been killed
this year. One senior NATO official says that
most battlefield engagements have led to spectacular
losses for the rebels, who are often killed in
large numbers.
But despite such losses, the Taliban's willingness
to absorb large losses and focus on staging high-profile
attacks mean that stabilising Afghanistan may
be more complicated than simply sending more troops,
say analysts. "This is a regional problem.
Without political change in Pakistan, even 200,000
NATO soldiers won't be enough," Rahmani says.
Afghan and U.S. officials have repeatedly pointed
to Pakistan's role in providing a safe haven for
insurgents, and some officials say that without
disrupting the insurgent networks there, defeating
the Taliban-led insurgency is impossible.
"The struggle against terrorism is not in
the villages of Afghanistan," President Hamid
Karzai told reporters recently. "The only
result of airstrikes is the killing of civilians."
Karzai says that instead the U.S. should focus
on attacking targets in Pakistan and moving against
rogue elements in the Pakistani security apparatus.
U.S. officials also point to the steady influx
of foreign fighters, possibly from Iraq, who drift
across the Afghan-Pakistani border and bolster
the insurgency. "We do see evidence in the
tactics and techniques used by the enemies in
our sector indicating a foreign influence,"
U.S. Army Director of Public Affairs Rumi Nielson-Green
says. "That is why a strategy of counterinsurgency
is necessary not only in Afghanistan but throughout
the region."
U.S. forces have repeatedly fired missiles into
Pakistan but Pakistani officials claim that mostly
civilians have been killed because of these strikes.
Moreover, authorities in Islamabad refuse to allow
U.S. troops to openly enter Pakistani soil, fearing
a massive anti-U.S. and anti-government backlash.
But analysts say that the Taliban's confidence
is fuelled not just by safe havens and support
in Pakistan but because of the political situation
in Afghanistan. "People have lost faith in
the government," says Habibullah Rafih, a
political analyst and member of the Afghanistan
Academy of Sciences. "More guns won't solve
this problem," he says, referring to the
possibility of more U.S. troops in the region.
"Reconstruction money has gone in the wrong
pockets, and NGOs and government officials are
seen as corrupt, meaning some people in the provinces
are turning to the Taliban."
As the rift between Afghans and the government
grows, insurgents are filling the vacuum. More
than half of Wardak province, just 45 minutes
from Kabul by road, is under the direct control
of the Taliban, according to the SENLIS council,
a European think tank.
Insurgents are increasing their presence and cover
of Logar province, just to the south of the capital.
Last week, Taliban fighters there ambushed a vehicle
from the International Rescue Committee, killing
three foreign aid workers and one Afghan.
In the neighbouring Ghazni province, residents
report that Taliban presence is widespread and
two districts -- Newa and Ajrastan -- are under
the Taliban's complete control. "The Taliban
controls the courts, the police, even the district
government," in these two districts, says
Fazel Wali, a teacher in the area.
Even in the Afghan government’s apparent
victories there lies a scent of defeat. More than
7,000 police flooded Kabul’s streets on
Aug. 18 for the country’s Independence Day
celebrations after authorities warned of impending
insurgent attacks.
The extremely tight security prevented any attacks
in the capital, but the government also cancelled
public Independence Day celebrations for the first
time in years. "The Taliban were able to
stop the celebrations without even lifting a finger,"
says Hamid Asir of the National Union of Journalists.
[Courtesy IPS]
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