Vinod
Anand
Section 2: Distributional Effects
IN Part 2 of this Paper we had fully analysed
the Growth scenario in the country since 1951.
In this Part we look at the Distributional Effects
in terms of some of the economic indicators.
In order to assess a country’s performance
and its progress towards economic development,
we must supplement, if not supplant, the growth-rate
of GNP by other more microeconomic measures. It
is not enough to measure progress merely in terms
of GNP, it is imperative to look at the structural
change too. In fact, there are two basic approaches
available in this respect: the first is to ‘weigh
the growth performance by distributional record’,
and the other is ‘to emphasize changing
poverty and inequality as the principal indicators
of development.’
Let us look at the distributional effects of
economic growth on the economy on the basis of
behaviour pattern, as shown by certain crucial
economic and social indicators that affect a larger
section of our society, and through which the
benefits of growth are supposed to get distributed
amongst the majority of the people without much
time-lag. We have not used any specific basis
to underline such indicators, but the following
economic and social indicators seem to be more
important:
Economic Indicators:
Agricultural Production;
Food grain Production;
Industrial Production;
Electricity Generation;
Prices: Wholesale and Consumer;
Imports and Exports; and
Per Capita Availability of Certain Important Articles
of Consumption;
Social Indicators:
Population; Birth Rate and Death Rate;
Life Expectancy at Birth;
Education; Literacy rate;
Health and Family Welfare; Registered Medical
Practitioners and Hospital Beds.
Let first look at the economic indicators:
Agricultural Production:
Agricultural production, in fact, includes both
food grains (essentially, rice and wheat), and
non-food grains (essentially, oilseeds and sugarcane),
the former contributing approximately two-thirds
of the total agricultural production. It is seen
that agricultural production shows an upward trend
through out both in terms of decades and individual
years.
Food Grain Production:
As food grain production is a part of agricultural
production, it shows the same upward rising trend
through out as the agricultural production, both
in terms of decades and individual years.
We must remember that agricultural performance
is still, to a large extent, controlled by the
vagaries of nature, though human effort, supported
by State policies, has quite often played a positive
role in boosting agricultural production.
Industrial Production:
Industrial production includes basic goods, capital
goods, intermediate goods, and consumer goods,
both durable and non-durable. Performance in the
industrial sector, measured in terms of industrial
production, has been far better than agricultural
production. The base for industrial growth was
laid down in the Second Plan which was based on
Mahalanobis Model emphasizing the development
of capital goods and basic industries (like iron
and steel, heavy engineering, and machine building
industries). Although industrial production shows
an upward rising trend, both in terms of decades
and years, yet there has been sharp deceleration
during certain periods, as is indicated by the
percentage changes. For example, industrial production
fell down to around 53% by the end of the third
decade over the previous decade, and to a low
of 0.6% in 1991-92 over the previous year. In
fact, the period 1965 to 1976 has been termed
as a period of ‘deceleration and structural
retrogression’. The revival began in the
eighties, but, once again, as we have already
said, there was a set back in early nineties.
It is satisfying to note that beyond 1992-93 industrial
production had started showing steady increases
because of liberalized policy measures. It is
heartening to note that for the first time in
the last 10 years, the industrial growth has exceeded
10%. Also, for the first time ever, the manufacturing
rate of growth has exceeded 12% in six month (April-September
2006). Manufacturing accounts for about 80% of
India’s industrial production, while mining
and electricity account for approximately 10%
each. The mining and quarrying sector has shown
a growth of 3.9%. But in recent months because
of the world-wide recession, it has got a big
shock. But in time to come it will improve. There
is no denying the fact that Industry provides
the basic support to the economy.
Electricity Generation:
Power is the most critical sector of the economy.
It is one of the major sources of commercial energy.
Poor performance in electricity generation and
distribution can perhaps decelerate both industrial
and agricultural production. Poor and distorted
electricity supply to basic- utility areas is
even more detrimental. We have only considered
electricity generation for utilities alone. As
can be seen, electricity generation has continuously
been rising. As compared to 1950-51 the rise has
been more than 7000%, though there have been shortfalls
too during particular years like 1979-80, 1982-83
and 1985-86, and also during the decade of nineties.
All this, perhaps, once again, is attributable
to the failure of monsoons, especially in the
eighties, and to the delay in the commissioning
of some units in the hydel sector in later years.
We must note that the electricity sector has registered
a double-digit growth of 11.3% during September
2006 as compared to September 2005. Compared with
April-September 2005, the two sectors grew by
3.1% and 6.6% respectively, during April-September
2006.
We must note two things in this context. First,
electricity generation in India is presently below
the targeted generation, and falls short of the
growing requirement. Second, electricity generation
does not necessarily mean that it is available
to the users; the distribution network, and the
administrative machinery controlling it, also
matters. There are serious drawbacks in the whole
distribution net work. Even large cities in most
the States have regular cut downs, but it is really
amazing that areas where the so-called VIPs stay
there is no cut-down because of their voting,
money and muscle power. This is really shameful
for a country like India with rich cultural heritage.
BACK
Will South Asia
become the arena for the Third World War?
Sawraj Singh writes from Washington
THERE are some trends which seem to be emerging
after the terrorist attacks on Mumbai. The biggest
trend is a close alliance between America and
India. The Congress party is gaining influence
at the expense of the BJP. America and India are
mulling an attack on Pakistan as a part of the
movement against terrorism. One of the reasons
for Obama’s victory was that he wants to
withdraw the American forces from Iraq and fight
a decisive battle against Islamic fundamentalism
in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Bush was extremely
unpopular in Europe, therefore in the event of
an attack on Iran, as he advocated as a part of
his “Axis of Evil” theory, Europe
would not have helped him. However, Obama can
expect help from Europe in the event that he starts
a major war in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
What can Pakistan do if it is attacked by India
with the support of America? It can take two steps:
the first, launch a nuclear attack on India. The
second, withdraw its forces from the border with
Afghanistan, thereby giving a free hand to the
Islamic fundamentalists to launch an attack on
America. The American intelligence agencies recently
released a report stating that a biological or
a nuclear attack on America is very likely and
the attack can come from Pakistan.
Some people may say that Pakistan’s threat
to use a nuclear bomb is an empty threat. However,
Nawaz Sharif, the former Prime minister of Pakistan,
while releasing his book in London, said that
General Musharraf had given orders to launch a
nuclear attack on India and only a last minute
intervention by him (Prime minister) stopped the
attack. In the event of an attack by India and
America, not only the Pakistan government can
decide to withdraw its forces from the border
with Afghanistan, but can actually form a united
front with the Islamic fundamentalists.
Another possibility can be that America attacks
and destroys the nuclear facilities of Pakistan
and then India launches a military attack on the
ground.
Ultimately it will depend upon China, if the
conflict can escalate into a third world war.
If China decides to support Pakistan all the way,
then it can give Pakistan nuclear and other heavy
weapons which Pakistan will not hesitate to use.
China has other options to inflict a very serious
damage to America and to put tremendous pressure
on India. China can arm the Taliban in Afghanistan.
In such an event, the fate of the American and
NATO forces will not be any different than the
fate of the Soviet forces. It was the defeat of
the Soviet forces in Afghanistan which led to
the collapse of the Soviet Union. A major defeat
for America and NATO in Afghanistan can have disastrous
consequences for America and the West. The Chinese
support for Prince Norodom Sihanouk in Cambodia
led to the American defeat in Cambodia and also
hastened the American defeat in Vietnam.
China can support the Maoists in Nepal in a
big way that cannot only tilt the balance of power
in Nepal; but also through the Nepalese Maoists,
China can support the Naxalites in India. China
can also support the separatist movements in India,
particularly in the Northeast. The combined rise
of the Islamic fundamentalists, Naxalites, and
the separatist movements in the Northeast can
bog down India so that it will become very difficult
for India to engage in a big war outside its borders.
India should very seriously consider the long
term consequences of a big war in South Asia.
In the long run, India has more to lose if the
area becomes unstable because India is the leading
power in the region. India should first exhaust
all diplomatic means to work with Pakistan to
find an amicable solution to the problem. In any
event, India should consult Russia and China before
agreeing to join America in launching an attack
on Pakistan.
[Sawraj Singh, M.D. FICS Chairman Washington
State Network for Human Rights]
BACK
Human Rights “alive
and well", in theory only
HUMAN Rights Day is celebrated each year on Dec.
10 to honour the U.N. General Assembly’s
adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human
rights in 1948. But just as the Geneva Convention
has not given enough protection to prisoners of
war, this Declaration has done little to stop
human rights violations the world over. Democracy
itself -- or the freedom it presupposes -- has
not been protective enough. This century, there’s
an urgent need felt to curb politicisation of
human rights and embrace more humanising political
ways.
Inter
Press Service [IPS] is one such news/ feature
agency that has its job cut for that difficult
path.
Here is an assessment by Wolfgang Kerler from
the UN headquarters in New York
Despite a motley record of government respect
for the 60-year-old U.N. Declaration of Human
Rights, a new poll of citizens in 25 countries
around the world shows strong support for the
broad principles of freedom and equality it champions.
"The Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(UDHR) is alive and well," Steven Kull, director
of the research consortium WorldPublicOpinion.org,
told IPS.
Majorities or pluralities in all participating
nations agreed that the promotion of human rights
in its member states is part of the United Nation's
obligation, according to the study released Tuesday.
An overall of 78 percent of 47,000 respondents
shared this opinion.
Moreover, an overall majority of 65 percent want
the United Nations, whose members affirmed the
Declaration exactly 60 years ago, to make even
greater efforts to promote human rights -- even
if that means giving the U.N. the authority to
go into countries to investigate human rights
violations.
"The UDHR does get support around the world
and it is not by any means fading, as younger
people are even more responsive," Kull said.
A number of principles were endorsed by majorities
in all nations polled, among them freedom of expression,
even when it is used to criticise the government;
the right to demonstrate peacefully; freedom of
the media; and equal treatment for all citizens
regardless their religion, gender, race or ethnicity.
"The accusation that [UDHR] is a Western
invention being imposed on other countries doesn't
hold up to when you actually ask people,"
Kull said.
"You do not find any evidence that there
is a kind of counterweighing ideology in any country,
you just find variation in how much they think
you should make exceptions [from the principles],"
he added.
Kull added that there was also no basis for concluding
that the views of majority-Muslim countries differ
from the dominant norm because Islam itself was
a factor at odds with the principles of the Declaration,
as it was sometimes said.
Facing an "unprecedented assault on the
very idea of human rights", as Craig Mokhiber
from the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner
for Human Rights put it, the United Nations is
commemorating the Declaration's 60th anniversary
-- rather than celebrating it.
"With new notions being put forward that
somehow security or counter-terrorism or free
markets or borders and boundaries trump human
rights, some people are asking whether or not
the human rights movement has run its course,"
Mokhiber added. But the outcome of the study showed
that support for these 60-year-old ideas is still
robust.
However, the WorldPublicOpinion.org poll also
found that people in some nations are willing
to limit basic human rights when national security
and political stability are threatened.
Majorities in Turkey, Kenya, Nigeria, India and
South Korea and a plurality in Thailand would
allow the government to torture "terrorists"
if it may gain information that saves innocent
lives, for example.
By majority or plurality, respondents from Egypt,
Iran, Jordan, the Palestinian Territories and
Indonesia would voluntarily give their government
the right to restrict the media when its coverage
might be politically destabilising.
In Egypt, Ukraine and Jordan, majorities say
that there are "some religions that should
not be allowed" to practice freely in their
country, while South Korean people were divided
over this.
However, regarding all of the above critical
questions, there is still a majority of nations
and an overall majority that want their governments
to stick to the principles as they are enunciated
in the Declaration in all of these cases -- even
when confronted with possible political instability
or security threats.
Asked about the difficulties in getting unbiased
poll results from countries without guaranteed
freedom of expression, Kull answered that "there
is a number of countries -- like China, Iran,
Egypt, for example -- where we have to think about
whether people are fully disclosing."
"There clearly is some uncertainty whether
some people might be censoring themselves,"
he added, but stressed that even in authoritarian
countries, substantial numbers of people or even
majorities felt free to implicitly or explicitly
criticise their governments with their answers.
In a few countries, partnering research centres
did not feel comfortable enough to ask all of
the questions included in the catalogue -- questions
about the right to demonstrate peacefully, for
example, had not been asked in China.
But there had never been any reports that respondents
had gotten into trouble for taking part in a poll,
Kull said.
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