Gobind Thukral
IT is a common knowledge that Indian judicial system
is one of the laziest in the world. The number of
cases pending in lower and superior courts tell its
own tale. Over three million cases are pending in
India's 21 high courts, and an astounding 26.3
million cases are pending in subordinate courts
across the country. At the same time, there are
almost a quarter million under-trials languishing in
jails across the country. Of these, some 2,069 have
been in jail for more than five years, even as their
guilt or innocence is yet to be ascertained. This
hits hard the people’s faith in the judiciary and
its capacity to deliver justice. What is there to
celebrate in this world’s largest democracy?
More than three-quarters of people in India believe
that the country's judiciary system is corrupt. The
“Global Corruption Report 2007” had highlighted the
lack of public trust in India's judiciary, which
many feel is overbearing and democratically
unaccountable. Compiled by Transparency
International, the report is based on a 2005
countrywide survey of "public perceptions and
experiences of corruption in the lower judiciary,"
which was conducted by the Center for Media Studies.
The survey found that 77 percent of respondents
believe the Indian judiciary is corrupt. It also
noted that "bribes seem to be solicited as the price
of getting things done. According to this report,"
An estimated Rs 2,9,00 million was paid in bribes
during a 12-month period. "Money was paid to the
officials in the following proportions: 61 percent
to lawyers; 29 percent to court officials; 5 percent
to middlemen."
Shielded from public scrutiny, the higher courts of
India have increasingly turned conservative. They
have recently handed down judgments that abridge or
abolish labour rights, dilute environmental
regulations, promote big business interests and
uncritically support globalization and
privatization. Judicial corruption in India is
attributable to a number of factors, including
"delays in the disposal of cases, shortage of judges
and complex procedures, all of which are exacerbated
by a preponderance of new laws," according to
Transparency International.
Many judges over the years have proved above the
law. The appointment of lower judiciary is more less
an open affair, but for high courts and Supreme
Court it is all veiled. It is true that the number
of judges [13] for ten lakh populations India is one
of the lowest in the world. It is also true not all
are corrupt. Yet this does explain the mighty
attitude where the judges are not prepared to
declare their assets before the public while
ordering even every other public man to do so.
Also, the system of selection and then in house
checks are not revealed to anyone not even to the
president of the country.
In India, impeachment is not possible because it
requires a huge [two-thirds] majority in Parliament.
India's parliamentary elections have produced hung
verdicts for years. Given the nature of politics it
is virtually impossible to muster the numbers
necessary for impeaching a judge. In 1993, V.
Ramaswamy, a Supreme Court judge, was found culpable
by a court committee. But he was politically
well-connected and could not be impeached. Justice
PB Sawant, who headed the inquiry committee in the
impeachment motion against Justice V. Ramaswami,
said: “Political lobbying may rescue any judge. It
has happened in the past. What is the guarantee it
would not happen now? The system to remove judges is
impractical, cumbersome and heavily dependent on
politicians.” Judges are considered above the
law that not a single one has been impeached in
independent India. And the very idea of trying to
determine their assets or entertain complaints about
corruption or misbehaviour can send parliament into
shiver of indecision.
This freedom from prosecution and impeachment
further adds to the credibility crisis of the
judiciary, in particular, the higher judiciary,
which in India is a self-appointing body not
answerable to the legislature or executive. Only
sometimes politics playing the spoiler’s role. Take
the most recent case of Punjab and Haryana High
Court. It was August 13, 2008, and Justice Nirmaljit
Kaur had been handed Rs 15 lakh by the clerk of a
senior law officer with the state government. An
investigation followed, and the police found that
the money had allegedly been meant for another woman
judge, Justice Nirmal Yadav. Ten days later, the
Chandigarh administration handed over the case to
the CBI, a very rare happening for a case involving
a judge. A committee of three judges set up by the
Chief Justice of India began a parallel probe into
the allegations. Justice Yadav proceeded on leave,
on the advice of the chief justice of the high
court.
In three months, the committee completed its probe,
found her guilty of misconduct and recommended her
removal. Yadav challenged the report and the matter
has been stuck ever since. A difference of opinion
between top CBI officials worsened the mess. The
case seems to be as good as dead. Justice Yadav is
still a serving judge and she has recently claimed
that she be allowed to hear cases again ‘since
nothing has been proved against her’. This case is a
perfect example of all that is wrong with India’s
methods of checking corruption in the judiciary.
The fact that, nearly a year on, no action has been
taken perhaps explains why majority of Indians see
the judiciary as corrupt. It was for nothing that
then serving Chief Justice of India, S P Bharucha
had said in 2002 that about 20 per cent of all
judges were corrupt. Can any one in authority answer
a simple a question whose money it was and for whom
it was meant and to gain what
favours.
This week parliament was seized of this subject and
the prime minister had promised to bring in a law
that would end corruption and make judiciary more
accountable. But it was a lame law which the
minister wanted the parliament to quickly pass. The
opposition did the right thing by forcing the
government to defer the Judges (Declaration of
Assets and Liabilities) Bill. The Bill, which seeks
to extend the principle of accountability and
transparency to the higher judiciary, falls short of
its intent in the present form. The Bill makes it
mandatory for judges to disclose their assets before
a designated authority, but doesn't allow the
disclosure to be made public. A contentious clause
in the Bill prevents any citizen, court or authority
from questioning the disclosures. It says "no judge
shall be subjected to any inquiry or query in
relation to the contents of the declaration by any
person". The opposition has objected to this
provision and termed it a violation of the
Constitution. The objection seems valid as one
leading newspaper wrote. What the clause does is to
treat the judiciary as a advantaged class with
special rights that no other group of citizens
enjoys. No other category of public servants has
such immunity from public scrutiny. This clause
certainly violates the republican principle that all
citizens are equal before the law. India urgently
needs to end the contempt law and being judiciary
under public scrutiny without compromising its
independence.
BACK
Potentials of exports of agro-products from Punjab
to Arab countries
Dr S. S. Chhina
DEMAND as well as supply of agricultural products
is less elastic and prices have little effect on
them. Sometimes the exports could not be made not
because of lack of demand but lack of supply, as
it happened in case of cotton from India. As
international trade is carried on the principle of
comparative cost, so competitiveness of the
product is the basic criteria for export. Punjab
being the leading agricultural state of India has
poor performance in the field of agricultural
export, though the competitiveness has never been
a problem for its agricultural products. The table
1 shows how little the export of rice and food
articles was there as compared to the other
products.
The food production of the state was 25.18 million
MT in 2005-06, which was more than ten per cent of
total production of India that was 208.60 million
MT, this ten per cent production was from only one
and half per cent area of India shows the
remarkable productivity in the field of
agriculture. The table 2 shows per ha output of
certain important crops in Punjab
and India. This production is much higher even
from many developed countries of the world. The
assured prices and marketing are assigned as
reasons for this higher productivity but
productivity of certain crops. Where no incentives
and assured prices were provided for the products,
the higher productivity was also observed than
that of other states of India. Per hectare
Production of groundnut was 865 kg, mustard seed 1119 kg, sunflower 1639 kg, potato 17030 kg etc. Even the production of certain fruit
products is also much competitive. In the year of
2006-07 production of kinnow was 4.14 lac MT,
guava was 1.42 lac MT, pear was 52 th MT and
grapes 3699 th MT. Similar is the case of other
fruits and vegetables. The main objective to
present these figures is only that Punjab is
having a very good potential for export of its
agricultural products and the reasons not to
exploit this potential is not lack of demand and
supply but these are somewhat else.
Punjab being the food basket of India,
where it had been contributing about 60 per cent
of the food grains in the national food stocks. So
the area under wheat and paddy had been around 70
per cent of the total area of the state. Recently
it was 77 per cent and even among the rest of the
cropped area the major crop was fodder because
most of the agricultural and non agricultural
families are keeping milch animals that are why
Punjab is having the highest per capita per day
milk availability in India which is still
increasing. It was 541 gm in 1981 which increased
to 939 gm in 2006-07. As more of the area is
occupied by wheat paddy and fodder, the more
desired export products like fruits vegetables,
oil seed and pulses are having much less area for
their production.
It is always in the interest of the consumer that
he may pay the reasonable prices and producer may
receive the highest share in consumer rupee. Some
of the countries are importing certain items
because those are cheaper to import than to
produce themselves. Arab countries can be a good
destination for exports of Punjab. There is need
to identify the agricultural products in those
countries except Egypt most of other countries are
importers of many agro-products from other
countries. Some of products are being imported
from European and American countries at much
higher prices. Iran,
Iraq, Libya, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon and
Israel can import certain Agricultural and dairy
products at much cheaper rates from Punjab than
European and American countries. The favourable
state policies for these exports should have to be
adopted in Punjab
simultaneously with the provision of adequate
infrastructure in Punjab. Similarly Arab importers
have to build a confidence regarding speedy
transactions and pay back. About six - seven year
back govt of Punjab
had established agro-export corporation but it did
little to promote the exports from Punjab as the
data has shown. Even it could not provide the in
formation regarding perspective buyers and
identify the goods.
Recent reports reveal disturbing trends about
sustainability of Punjab agriculture. 98.8 percent
of cultivable land in the State is already under
plough. The present agriculture cropping pattern
in the State is dominated by the wheat- paddy
rotation (77%) causing degradation in soil
fertility and fall in the underground water table.
Therefore there is an urgent need to diversify the
crop base to include basmati, vegetables, dairy,
poultry, fruits, oilseeds, and pulses.
High yielding and processable/ short duration
legumes, basmati, vegetables and fruits varieties
should be identified and promoted for export
purposes. Therefore there is a need of taking
advantage of the growing importance of vegetables
and fruits, animal and
fishery products in world agricultural trade and
increasing the share of these commodities in our
export.
Due to the limited peak level of the productivity,
high value produce and value addition of
agricultural commodities is very important to
increase the income of the farmers and to boost
the economy of the state. The integration of
production with processing of agricultural
products will not only add value to the crops of
farmers but will open up big employment
opportunities also. Modernized private industries
can be developed to produce bread, dalia, atta,
maida, suji, biscuits etc in place of whole wheat.
Transporting processed wheat products is much more
effective than transporting whole grains. To
produce value added milk and milk products for the
urban centers of northern India dairy industries
can be promoted. Basmati rice and vegetables can
be taken on the priority list. There is increasing
demand for quality seeds in the state. There fore
promotion of seed industry is becoming a serious
need in Punjab.
I want to suggest that there is a very good
potential for export of Agri- products like fruits
and vegetables, processed goods, food and dairy
products. Arab markets are the nearest available
market, even the products can be air lifted in the
shortest period. The products are to be identified
in the perspective markets. Such a work can be
done by a govt agency like state Agri-export
Corporation. The farmers can not export their
product directly but the cooperative marketing,
govt agencies and private traders can help and
guide to produce the items, those may be
competitive regarding prices and quality. The new
items like honey, mushroom etc are not appearing
in the market because of lack of demand, in spite
of the fact that those can be produced efficiently
in Punjab. The liaison between Punjab govt and bilateral chambers of commerce
of Arab countries can be helpful to explore and
exploit these potentials of exports from Punjab.
BACK
More subsidies for fossil fuels in recovery plans
Stephen Leahy
DESPITE the economic
slow down; growing numbers of world leaders are
calling for urgent action on climate change while
many governments used their economic stimulus
packages to increase subsidies to the fossil fuel
industry.
Consider
Europe, with the strongest public commitment to
reduce carbon emissions that are causing climate
change.
In the past five years, 8 billion U.S. dollars of
public money went to
Europe's fossil fuel companies mainly to the
natural gas sector. And in May the European
Parliament approved an additional 3.35 billion
dollars in subsides as part of Europe's 225
billion dollars economic recovery plan, according
to a new research report by Friends of the Earth
(FOE) Europe.
"We Europeans are supposedly leading the world on
the path to a new green economy but we're putting
billions of euros into fossil fuel sector that's
taking us in the opposite direction," Darek
Urbaniak of FOE
Europe.
"Its complete hypocrisy," Urbaniak told IPS from
Brussels.
Perhaps recognising this fact, global business
leaders at the World Business Summit on Climate
Change that concluded May 26 called on governments
to "strive to end the current perverse subsidies
that favour high-emissions transport and energy".
Speaking at the opening of the summit,
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said: "Continuing to
pour trillions of dollars into fossil-fuel
subsidies is like investing in sub-prime real
estate." And he concluded: "We must direct
investment away from dirty energy industries."
The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP)
has recommended that one third of the around 2.5
trillion dollars worth of planned economic
stimulus packages worldwide should be used to
'green' the world economy, as this would help
"power the global economy out of recession".
Instead the European parliament decided the 5.36
billion dollars dedicated to new energy projects
be split so that the source of the climate
problem, the fossil fuel industry got 3.35 billion
dollars while green solutions like wind, solar,
biomass energy sources receive just 2 billion
dollars in new funding, the FOE Europe analysis
‘Public money for fossil fuels in the EU’
reported.
"Wind only received a half billion euros (670
million dollars) while 1.25 billion (1.67 billion
dollars) is being used to subsidise research into
carbon capture and storage," Urbaniak says.
Canada has spent more on oil and gas subsidies
than all of its climate change programmes in the
past three years, says Albert Koehl of Ecojustice,
a Canadian environmental NGO.
Indeed since
Canada first agreed to the Kyoto Protocol in 1997
to reduce its carbon emissions, it has spent more
than 2 dollars in tax subsidies to the industry
for each 1 dollar spent on action to implement the
accord.
"It’s a pure windfall for the oil and gas
industry. Taxpayers are paying for the industries'
pollution," Koehl said in an interview from
Toronto.
"We're trying to build a new green economy but
much of our money is going to a dinosaur
industry."
Canada is evidently not very interested in going
green, spending 13.7 times less per capita than
the U.S on renewable energy notes John Dillion of
Karios (see sidebar).
Although nowhere near the one-third that UNEP
recommended, the Obama administration has
earmarked some 70 billion dollars out of its 787
billion dollars economic stimulus for greening the
U.S. economy.
Of this 32 billion dollars is for clean energy
production, including at least 4.4 billion dollars
for carbon capture and storage (CCS) research and
development, according to an analysis by Taxpayers
for Common Sense, an independent and non-partisan
NGO based in
Washington DC.
That's a surprising turnabout. After investing
billions in CCS projects such as FutureGen, a
private-public partnership to build the world's
first near-zero emissions power plant, even the
fossil-fuel friendly George W. Bush administration
abandoned the effort as too costly.
Whether there are additional subsidies to the
fossil fuel industry in the rest of the economic
stimulus, the research simply hasn't been done in
the rush of bailouts, budgets and new legislation
says Janet Larson, Director of Research at the
Earth Policy Institute, an environmental policy
NGO in
Washington DC.
Taxpayers for Common Sense haven't analysed the
1,500 page stimulus bill yet either. But in last
fall's 700 billion dollar bailout for the
U.S. financial sector they noted there were some
new tax breaks worth 2.2 billion dollars through
2013 for the oil and gas industry.
And of course there haven't been any significant
reductions in subsidies although President Obama's
proposed budget for 2010 does.
"There is awful lot money in the stimulus bill,"
Larson told IPS. And alternative energy is getting
some of it. But one fact remains clear:
"Alternative energy is never going to catch up to
what the fossil fuel industry has received."
[Courtesy IPS]
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