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Dr Sawraj Singh
TIGER WOODS, probably the World’s best golf player
joins the long list of super stars who have become
victims of capitalism or racism or both. In the
last category, he joins OJ Simpson and Michael
Jackson. What is common between these three? All
are blacks married to white women.
Tiger Woods never admitted that he is black
instead he calls himself mixed. His father was
black and his mother was from Thailand, therefore
a person of Asian descent. Michael Jackson also
tried to get rid of his blackness. He probably
tried to bleach his skin or had procedures to
change the color of his skin.
When Michael Jackson or Tiger Woods have some
difficulty admitting their blackness or they end
up marrying white women then one cannot help
feeling that they might have consciously or
subconsciously experienced racial prejudice.
OJ Simpson was a super star of football. He was in
all high paying commercials. It may not be an
exaggeration to say that he was the most famous
and commercially successful football player of all
times. Then he was accused of murdering his wife.
Even though he was acquitted by the court but a
vast majority of white people still believe that
he murdered his wife. He received financial
punishment and finally ended in jail. His career
has been completely destroyed.
Michael Jackson became the most famous star of pop
music in the whole World. He was accused of having
sexual relations with children. He was acquitted
by the court but in the process was financially
destroyed. All the stress took its toll and he
finally died of overdose of the medication he
probably took to cope with the stress.
Tiger Woods became the World’s most well known
golf player at the age of 22. Many big
corporations showered him with millions of dollars
advertisement contracts. He is probably the
youngest sportsman to become a billionaire. He
married a well known Swiss model, has two children
and a lavish life style which millions can only
dream of. Then suddenly hell breaks loose. A
tabloid exposes that he has an extra marital
relation. Next he is found in the early hours of
morning (about 2:30am) to be involved in an
automobile accident and ends up in the intensive
care unit of a hospital with facial injuries. His
wife is supposed to have rescued him from the car
when it hit a fire hydrant, hedge and a tree.
Later on we find that the windows of his car were
smashed with a golf stick and probably the same
stick was used to smash his face also. About ten
to twelve women have come forward to tell about
their sexual relations with Tiger Woods. Finally,
Tiger Woods has decided to stay away from golf for
undetermined time. Many of the corporations are
canceling their advertisement contracts with him.
It is very unlikely that Tiger Woods will recover
his lost glory. His career may end at the age of
34.
The capitalist system encourages these stars to
become fabulously rich in the shortest time
possible but at the same time sets in motion the
forces for their decline. The media starts looking
at them with a big microscope while they are
encouraged to have multiple sexual relations
because directly or indirectly that behavior is
promoted as a representative of success. The media
is always looking for scandals and sensational
news to promote its circulation. For some media it
has become an issue of survival that they expose
scandals of the rich and famous. Similarly these
stars face a contradiction between the public and
private life as far as family values are
concerned. The capitalist system sets in motion
the process of family disintegration however;
publicly it promotes the image of family
togetherness and harmony. The capitalist system
promotes one track mind, a linear approach of
acquiring material wealth alone without worrying
about its social consequences When people have to
face the consequences of their actions then the
system abandons them.
All people are facing these inherent
contradictions of capitalism and are suffering but
the minorities have to suffer more from the dual
effects of racism as well as of capitalism.
[The writer is a practicing physician and
president of the Human Rights Network in
Washington State]
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Pakistan 2009: In retrospect
Ishtiaq Ahmed
ON March 3, 2009, the unthinkable happened in
Lahore. Terrorists opened fire on the visiting Sri
Lankan cricket team. Although some players
sustained injuries, none was killed or maimed.
Some on-duty police officials were killed. Such an
attack had no typical justification.
So, after one day another year will be gone. 2009
will be remembered as the bloodiest since 1947, if
we exclude what happened in the former East
Pakistan in 1971 and if in 2010 we curb terrorism
successfully and build peace. On March 3, 2009,
the unthinkable happened in Lahore. Terrorists
opened fire on the visiting Sri Lankan cricket
team. Although some players sustained injuries,
none was killed or maimed. Some on-duty police
officials were killed. Such an attack had no
typical justification — Sri Lanka had neither
occupied Afghanistan nor Kashmir, and there was no
record of Muslims being targeted by the Sri Lankan
government.
On the contrary, the Tamil Tigers had a bad record
of driving Muslims away from north and east Sri
Lanka while the Sri Lankan government gave the
Muslim refugees protection in Colombo and
elsewhere on the island. Moreover, while the rest
of the cricketing world turned its back on
Pakistan, Sri Lanka and its brave cricketers stood
by it. So, the usual “high moral ground” by which
the terrorists justified their outrages did not
apply to the Sri Lankan team or their country. The
attack on March 3 was pure and unadulterated
terrorism perpetrated by men who had been
brainwashed to go and kill without let or
hindrance. Or, perhaps there was after all a
theological basis for such attacks: since nobody
played cricket in 7th century Arabia, playing it
constituted an unacceptable biddat (innovation)!
In any case, a few weeks later started the
infamous brutalisation of the people of Swat
Valley. As hundreds of thousands fled beastly
Taliban rule creating another major wave of
internal displacement, the authorities finally
heard the wakeup call. Public opinion also began
to turn against Taliban-al Qaeda terrorism. I
attended a conference in Islamabad in May on radicalisation and anti-radicalisation. I realised
that the variegated audience was agreed that
something has to be done urgently to save Pakistan
and its citizens. Mercifully, no nutty
intellectual made the most unoriginal and bogus
point that the terrorists of one man are the
freedom fighters of another.
The Pakistan military realised that its policy of
appeasing the Taliban through so-called peace
accords (2007, 2008), which allowed them to apply
Shariah in territories under their control in
Swat, Malakand agency and so on in return for them
accepting the writ of the Pakistani state that
required them to disarm was leading nowhere;
rather the Taliban were expanding their control in
a direction that every day brought them closer to
Islamabad.
An unsuccessful assassination attack took place on
September 2 on Federal Minister for Religious
Affairs, Hamid Saeed Kazmi. The immediate reason
for the attack was that Mr Kazmi (not a Shia but a
Barelvi Sunni) had arranged a meeting of such
ulema and mashaikh who condemned terrorism and
issued a fatwa against it. I met the minister
during the May conference in Islamabad and found
him to be a gentle and soft-spoken individual. He
told me that Barelvi mosques were being taken over
in not only the NWFP but also in Punjab, including
Islamabad, by pro-Taliban maulvis, but the
government felt helpless.
In any event, military operations, Rah-e-Haq
(Righteous Path) followed by Rah-e-Nijat (Path to
Deliverance), did prove to be highly successful
and created panic among the Taliban-al Qaeda
forces. They retaliated with killings of women and
children, old and infirm, while especially
targeting military personnel, premises and
installations. The month of October proved to be
singularly destructive of innocent lives. The
military operations continue, and it is premature
to claim that the tide has turned decisively
against the terrorists.
Recent history shows that when governments
patronise extremism and militancy they end up
paying a very heavy price for such ventures.
Indira Gandhi paid with her life for taking under
her wings Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale; the
Americans nurtured Osama bin Laden as a great
jihadist and out of it came 9/11. Pakistan has
paid the heaviest price by promoting different
types of extremists — Afghanistan-specific,
Kashmir-specific and what not. Means and ends
cannot be divorced with impunity. That is the iron
law of human behaviour.
The year 2009 has been disastrous for Pakistan in
economic terms as well. The financial situation
worsened dangerously, unemployment rates rose
sharply and international financial institutions
had to be approached with pleas for help to
prevent economic collapse. Right-wing parties and
media channels and populist intellectuals instead
turned their guns upon the Kerry-Lugar Bill
because of its supposed intrusion on Pakistani
sovereignty.
However, 2009 was not an unmitigated disaster.
Pakistan’s fledgling democracy survived another
year of challenges and threats. Another point of
encouragement was that the judiciary did not forgo
its duty to uphold the rule of law. By declaring
the so-called National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO)
ultra vires it proved that it is an institution
one can again start taking pride in. It is most
important that charges of abuse of office and
corruption are properly investigated. How far back
in time should the long hand of the law extend is
something on which our superior judiciary has to
take a decision.
It is absolutely important that all those who hold
public office voluntarily agree to go through the
judicial process to have their names cleared of
the charges levelled against them. However, each
individual should be treated as innocent till
proven guilty. Therefore, the revocation of the
NRO does not mean that the accused were guilty.
That needs to be proved in a court of law. The
most difficult question is whether the
presidential immunity prescribed by the
Constitution is absolute or it is conditional.
There are both legal as well as moral questions
involved when it refers to the post of president.
Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani has been given a
clean chit, so there are politicians in the PPP
who do not carry the stigma of alleged corruption.
Such individuals can continue in office and
provide continuity and stability while others are
properly investigated. Last but not least: in
spite of the rumour mills churning out conspiracy
theories of an imminent military coup in the
offing, Chief of Army Staff General Kayani has
acted with responsibility and foresight. Pakistan
is better off as a civilian polity with an
efficient and upright military ready to defend it
against external aggression.
Ishtiaq Ahmed is a Visiting Research Professor at
the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS) and
the South Asian Studies Programme at the National
University of Singapore. He is also a Professor of
Political Science at Stockholm University. He has
published extensively on South Asian politics. At
ISAS, he is currently working on a book, Is
Pakistan a Garrison State? He can be reached at
isasia@nus.edu.sg [Courtesy News Pakistan]
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Sri Lanka: Five years after Tsunami, many still
without shelter
Amantha Perera
"WE have been here for almost five years.
So many promises have been made, but very few have
been kept," complains Mohideen Nafia, 22, one of
the survivors of the 2004 Asian tsunami still
living in a temporary facility in the coastal town
of Kalmunai, located 300 kilometres east of the
capital, Colombo.
Newly married Nafia would have preferred a house
of her own with her husband. But at the moment she
has to make do with what amounts to a shelter, a
one-room unit in a government-provided disaster
camp, which the couple shares with Nafia’s family
of five and is located about a one kilometre from
the beach.
Nafia hails from the Sainathimaruthu village in
Kalmunai, a major domestic fishing hub that bore
the brunt of what has been touted as one of the
deadliest natural disasters in recorded history.
Three of its villages facing the sea – Maradamunai,
Sainathimaruthu and Karathivu – suffered the
heaviest damage at the time of the tsunami.
When the Asian tsunami, triggered by a
9.3-magnitude earthquake, hit the coasts of
countries bordering the Indian Ocean on Dec. 26,
2004, hundreds of thousands of people across Asia
were washed away at sea.
According to the International Federation of Red
Cross some 226,000 people in 13 countries were
killed in the aftermath of the tsunami. One of the
hardest hit was Sri Lanka, along with India,
Indonesia, and Thailand.
In the South Asian island state more than 35,000
people died, over one million were displaced, and
some 100,000 houses were either damaged or
destroyed by the tsunami.
At least one-third of the deaths, or some 10,000,
were reported from the Ampara district that
comprises Kalmunai, according to official
government data. In the same district,
approximately 27,000 houses were destroyed by the
tsunami, the bulk of which was in Kalmunai.
Villagers estimate that some 8,500 lives were lost
in the densely packed beach at the height of the
disaster.
Overall, the unprecedented disaster left a
reconstruction bill of 330 billion rupees (3.2
billion U.S. dollars). The reconstruction effort
was spearheaded by a government agency set up soon
after the tsunami and which received the support
of dozens of United Nations and other
international agencies.
Sri Lanka’s Reconstruction and Development Agency
has since wound down as has the massive
reconstruction effort. Still many are without
homes they could call their own.
"Getting land for the new houses has been a big
problem; we have to first locate the land. If it
is privately owned, (we) buy it," says Ismail
Thawfiek, the additional government agent for
Sainathimaruthu village in Kalmunai, where Nafia
hails from.
Most of the available lands are paddy or rice
fields, which he says puts more pressure on
otherwise limited public funds, as they need to be
filled. "The biggest delay (in rebuilding the
affected houses) has been in finding land and
preparing it so that we can build the houses,"
Thawfiek says.
The lack of land has been exacerbated by the
government’s imposition of the no-build buffer
zone along the Kalmunai coast. The then Sri Lankan
government initially imposed a limit of 200 metres
from the sea soon after the tragedy. Owing to
pressure from the homeless survivors, it was later
reduced to 65 m at Kalmunai and 100 m elsewhere in
the tsunami-affected parts of the country,
according to government officials.
With just three days away from the fifth
anniversary of the 2004 Asian tsunami, some 1,300
families, including Nafia’s, are still waiting for
their houses to be built, since the government
imposed a no-construction buffer zone along the
beach soon after the tsunami.
"Even after five years since the tsunami, there
are still problems, there are still issues,"
admits Thawfiek.
Nafia’s grief is understandable. The sense of
despair gripping her is matched only by her
deplorable living conditions. Tin roofs are
rusting, dirty water stagnates near the front door
step and large pools of rainwater and garbage rot
behind the tents. Chickens raised by families roam
the compound, where small children play marbles.
"Look at this," Nafia says, as she points to her
squalid surroundings. It is "like living in hell.
When it rains, it is all water, if it does not, it
is all flies," she says while waving her hands to
chase away the flies.
She adds that none of the international relief
agencies that poured aid into the tsunami-hit
areas like Kalmunai helped her build her house
while others are still waiting for government
promises to be fulfilled, notably the
reconstruction of their tsunami-destroyed homes.
"The life we knew before the tsunami is like a
dream. I don’t know why this happened to us."
"We will give them houses very soon next year,"
Thawfiek assures, arguing that the construction of
new houses is moving according to plan once land
has been located. At least 5,000 houses damaged by
the tsunami in Kalmunai have either been
reconstructed or repaired.
To date, there are at least 13 disaster camps –
with at least 1,000 shelters out of an original
18,000 in the Ampara district – still spread
through the coastal town while hundreds more that
were displaced by the tsunami are still living
with relatives.
Quite apart from Nafia’s complaint, the Kalmunai
beach appears to have returned to what it was
before the deadly tsunami waves left a path of
destruction. It is now is a hive of activity –
fishermen tend to their nets on the beach while
others attend to the large multi-day trawlers
anchored just offshore.
"We have returned to what (our lives were) before
the waves struck, maybe even better," says
Mohideen Ajimal, one of the first fish wholesalers
to return to the beach after the tsunami. Ajimal
lost an infant son and a daughter to the disaster.
Pointing to the large boat repair yard that has
been erected near his business premises, he says
that it would never have been built if there was
reconstruction effort after the tsunami. "We lost
so much, but life has to go on, and it is better
if life goes on better than before," he tells IPS.
Next to the new fishermen’s society building is a
tall red tower with loud-hailers pointing in all
directions to warn the residents of any tsunami
threat. "That helps too," says Ajimal as his eyes
darted toward the tower.
Among the houses that have been rebuilt since the
2004 tsunami disaster are swanky new structures,
painted in bright colours that stand out amid the
dull sun-baked cement facades of others. They have
been rebuilt by owners who could afford to finance
them. New schools have also been constructed,
replacing the damaged ones.
Yet, there are still remnants of the huge Asian
tsunami waves’ deadly foray inland in this
predominantly Muslim town. In place of
wall-to-wall houses that used to stand next to the
beach before the tsunami struck are large, empty
sandy patches. Wooden poles sticking out of mounds
mark off the spots where thousands were buried.
On the side of the road that runs alongside the
beach are the occasional houses or fishing huts
that have been deserted by owners after the
tsunami. They are bereft of roofs and window
frames, having been washed away, decayed or carted
away by thieves. Here goats seek shelter when the
sun is too hot.
"We had a good house near the sea, but I lost two
children and I don’t want to go back," says Abdul
Mannas, who has since moved to a new housing site
about two km from the sea.
But at least the 35-year-old father of three is
happy. He now lives in a new housing complex just
outside Kalmunai town. "This house is smaller
(than I had expected), but we are happier," he
says. "We can build two-story houses or extensions
if we want to." The houses at the French
Friendship Village, where he lives, were built
with the support of the French government.
Mannas says, “ I and others gladly vacated the
protective zone. It is death zone on the coast. I
don’t want to live there."
But for those living in small tin-roofed sheds
like Nafia, where three or so families share the
dimly lit units in the camp near the Jumma Mosque,
the nightmare never ends, not since the tsunami
struck the Indian Ocean. "We have waited long
enough; five years is a long time," she rues.
[Courtesy IPS]
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