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Dr. Amrik Singh writes from Sacramento
ATTITUDE, competency and knowledge are three
components of problem-solving and positive
environment. Experts believe that mere knowledge
gaining skills can’t help in building positive
environment if social attitudes that hamper it are
not challenged. Indian universities and colleges
may have promoted knowledge and competency, but
appears to have done very little to challenge
social attitudes. Ingrained in our consciousness,
attitudes determine our responses to commonplace
social situations. Quite often, we become helpless
in getting out of the ghettos of our attitudes,
even when it is socially and economically
unviable. As a consequence, we are ready to
jeopardize social cohesion, economic loss and
political stability. Political parties form
alliances to accommodate prevailing attitudes.
Gerrymandering guided the creation of states,
constituencies and districts. The challenging and
dismantling of all those attitudes which warp our
judgment requires a conscious decision.
In Punjab, attitudinal politics of religion, class
and caste created two types of diametrically
opposite leaderships: urban leadership represented
by Congress and BJP and the rural leadership
represented by Akali Dal. Left and Dalit parties
dangled between these two poles having no solid
identity of their own. For their presence they
indirectly supported the agenda of the two: quite
often one over the other. The urban leadership is
based on the assumption that Sikhs’ political
aspirations were separatist. It supported the
programs that subverted the nucleus of Sikh
ambitions at the political and religious levels.
Congress coordinated all efforts from within and
without to lead other Indians about Sikhs’
secessionism. Four decades of power provided
governmental and media support to Congress’s
efforts. The rural leadership represented by
Akalis couldn’t create support at the national
level to reverse Congress and RSS systematic
campaign. The support of Dalits could have created
national support, but Akalis’ fixation with
Hindutva restrained them from going into that
direction. Paradoxically, Akali leadership instead
helped Congress and RSS with all the proofs they
needed to prove Sikhs’ separatism. The opposition
between the Secular and the Secessionist had many
advantages for Congress and the RSS as it became
easier to execute pending plans like demolition of
Babri Mosque at a greater scale.
The tension between the secessionist and the
secular was allowed to reach climaxes at many
times. But attitudes never changed, or challenged
or sought to be reconciled, simply because the
simmering pot is what determined the unique
character of Indian democracy. In the context of
Punjab, cows' heads and tails were found once in
Hindu temples, cigarettes in Sikh Gurdwaras and
pages of Guru Granth Sahib in the streets. People
of Punjab still didn’t come out in the streets to
slit one another throats. They only wondered why
political leaders were thrusting difficult choices
on them. Concrete evidence was collected of the
involvement of a political party in power, but
that was dismissed. Urban leaders created fears of
agitating peasantry as a threat to the Nation on
the Move. News media promoted passionately all
that was imaginary.
It is a time for the public to scrutinize the role
of Sikh and Hindu leadership across party lines in
maintaining negative attitudes and thus
endangering peaceful coexistence. The post
emergency politics of the Congress targeted Punjab
for its sectarian politics. Sikh-Nirankari
disputes should have been only the affair of Sikhs
and the Nirankaris, but it developed into Sikhs
and the rest of India issue. Lala Jagat Naryan
representing Punjabi Hindus supported Nirankaris’
contention that Guru Granth Sahib was not the
eleventh Guru. Lala had no intention of accepting
Nirankari chief as his spiritual Guru, but he
supported him because such an attitude had a
record of politics behind it. The confrontation
started the row that brought Indian Army to the
Golden Temple in 1984 and plunged Punjab in the
tragic mode. Even when people of one community
were targeted in buses and trains, Hindus and
Sikhs didn’t kill each other in the streets.
However, mainstream Hindu leaders projected the
movement of peasants for their social and
political rights as anti-India. The establishment
had not only maligned Punjabi peasants, but also
everyone professing Sikh religion.
Urban Punjab suffered a lot. Many businessmen left
Punjab to other states, but couldn’t get traction
in their business. The rise of militancy and its
veering towards terrorism should have taught many
lessons to both Hindu and Sikh leaders, but it
only strengthened their resolve to repeat the
tragic play again when the politics required it.
The failure of both Sikh and Hindu leaders of
Punjab in dismantling negative attitudes speaks of
the degradation of ethics in the polity. Sikhs in
BJP, Congress, and left parties not only
subscribed faithfully to the sectarian party
agenda, but also showed more enthusiasm in
clobbering members of the maligned community.
Instead of challenging negative attitudes of their
respective parties, they donned the cloak of
pseudo-nationalism that had no place for those
Sikhs who demanded their social and political
rights under the constitution of India. Such
pseudo-nationalism has been also denying basic
rights to Dalits from times immemorial.
Ledership of the Shiromni Akali Dal after a
prolonged and unsuccessful battle with the
Congress conceded defeat and submitted to
invincible Hindutva for its political existence.
Akalis have come to such a pass that they couldn't
even express their difference of opinions. On
December 6th, Akalis felt paralyzed in front of
supermen of RSS, Shiv Sena and BJP. They yielded
to them unconditionally, thus plunging once again
a phase of uncertainty in Punjab.
During Dera Sauda melodrama, Punjab BJP at no time
shared the perspective of Sikhs that they had a
right to respect Guru Granth Sahib as their Guru.
Currently, Harish Bedi, a sitting MLA evoked all
those attitudes that would humiliate Sikhs. It is
strange that Badals could not convince their
coalition partners about the explosive nature of
the situation. On the other hand, Badals became
apologetic to Hindu hardliners. Unable to resist
the Congress’s subtle attacking policies, Badal
went for a total submission. Badal’s unconditional
support to BJP was the only way to maximize his
vote bank that he lost to congress. Hindus being
in majority would help him more than Sikhs in
minority can bring him back to power. His
dependence on Hindu hardliners created many
anomalies in the practice of Akali Dal’s policies.
Sikh leadership across party lines can't be
absolved of its complicity in the genocide of Sikh
community. Analysts argue that after Indira
Gandhi’s assassination, the President Giani Zail
Singh appointed Rajiv Gandhi as Prime Minister of
India by violating all the protocols. Gaini only
wanted to exhibit his unconditional loyalty to
Nehru family. Constitutional experts averred that
had Giani been a statesman, he would have
appointed the senior most cabinet member as
interim PM. The senior most cabinet member at that
time was the present Finance Minister Parnab
Mukherjee. Recently, his statement in the
parliament that 1984 Sikh Massacre was most tragic
in India’s history, implied Giani Zail Singh’s
faux pas.
Zail Singh's personal allegiance to Nehrus crossed
all limits of decorum. By appointing the senior
most cabinet member in 1984, the president would
have given time to Congress party to decide the
leadership questions later. Giani acting out of
his extreme servitude had cleared all decks for
party members to concentrate their energies in
arranging Sikh massacre all over India. It was the
only way to show devotion to newly appointed Prime
Minister who happened to be the grieving son of
the assassinated leader. It is often alleged that
Giani Zail Singh by indulging in unprofessional,
un-statesmanlike behavior prepared grounds for
tragic events of Delhi. The Sikh president clearly
saw how circumstances were building up, but he
didn’t respond even when he could have. Giani Zail
Singh blinded by his unconditional faithfulness,
abject servility, and apologetic fixation might
have made an oblique statement that he would
remain a lapdog at the doormat of Nehrus even at
the cost of his people. Is it the only way for
Sikh leaders to show their loyalty?
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In the land of Gadarites
Gurpreet Singh writes from
Vancouver
A trip to California, USA will remain one of my
most memorable experiences of life. I have been
longing to visit this land which used to be once
the nerve center of the activities of Gadarites, a
group of revolutionaries that believed in armed
struggle against the British occupation of India.
The trip coincided with the martyrdom day of three
revolutionaries who were hanged by the British
rulers for waging war against the colonial Empire
which had occupied India until 1947. Bhagat Singh,
Sukhdev and Rajguru were executed on 23 March,
1931 in Lahore . These men were inspired by the
ideology of the Gadarites. Bhagat Singh’s father,
Kishan Singh was one of the donors of the Gadar
Party that was launched in USA in 1913.
The journey that took me to the Gadar party
headquarters in San Francisco and one of the
oldest Sikh temples where the revolutionaries used
to gather for meetings and a cemetery, where a
towering militant leader, Maulvi Barkat Ullah was
buried had both pleasant and bitter experiences.
To start with the bitterest experience, the
original building of the Gadar Party headquarters
is gone. The present building known as the Gadar
Memorial at the 5 Wood Street has no archeological
value. The original building of the party
headquarters known as Yugantar Ashram was at 436
Hill Street . The party office was later shifted
to the present address of the Gadar Memorial, but
actual building where the revolutionaries lived
and worked was destroyed long ago and a new one
was opened on March 23, 1975 after renovations to
felicitate more space for seminars and other
academic events.
On way back to Vancouver , a very inquisitive
American who met me at the Sacramento Airport was
keen to know what was happening with the relics of
Mahatma Gandhi, who had led a passive resistance
movement against the British and later became an
international peace icon. Around that time a
controversy had arisen over the auction of
Gandhi’s relics which were being auctioned. I told
him that not only the relics of Gandhi but the
heritage of those, who were opposed to his
ideology of non violence and believed in armed
revolution is also lost because of the lack of
archeological sense of the Indian bureaucracy. A
case in point is the Gadar memorial.
The dates signed on the visitors’ book at the
Gadar Memorial suggested that this place is not
frequently visited by the people. Whereas the
Indian consulate officials at San Francisco
claimed that very less people show interest in the
monument, this place has a limited accessibility
to the public. I myself had to phone the Indian
consulate repeatedly to get an access to the
memorial. Thanks to my connections at the
Vancouver’s Indian Consulate office I was able to
contact the right person. We had to first go to
the Indian Consulate office that deputed a person
to take us to the spot where the Gadar Ashram once
stood.
Coming to the pleasant experiences, the Gadar
Party headquarters, which has been turned into
Gadar Memorial, houses a very few rare items
belonging to the revolutionaries and some
important documents and papers. Among them is the
artificial limb of Harnam Singh ``Tundilat’’. He
had lost one of his arms when a bomb went off
accidentally during military training in
preparations for rebellion. He was forced to use
an artificial limb after that and came to be known
as ``Tundilat’’ since then. He used to work as a
bodyguard of Lala Hardayal, a Gadar leader.
The copy of the party constitution that envisaged
its members to keep aside their religious beliefs
to work together against the common enemy is also
at display inside the building. While the Gadar
Party was secular in its character, a board
carrying the names of the patrons of the memorial
near the entrance to the main hall includes Didar
Singh Bains, a former Sikh separatist
leader.Besides, the copies of the Gadar newspaper
clippings and membership form are also nicely
framed and displayed.
A visit at the oldest Sikh temple in Stockton also
generated mixed feelings. The temple is currently
controlled and managed by those seeking Khalistan,
a theocratic Sikh state. Although the temple was
founded by those who fought for a united and
secular India, but pro Khalistan flags and the
pictures of the Sikh separatists greet the
visitors inside the community kitchen hall. A boy
wearing a Khalistani T shirt was playing around in
the temple. Ironically, the wall near the entrance
to the sanctum sanctorum is shared both by the
pictures of the Gadar heroes, who were from
different religious groups and the emblems of
Khalistan. The one good thing is that the building
of the temple that was built in 1929 is still
intact. It was replaced by the original building
that was dedicated to the temple in 1915.
The California journey would have been incomplete
without a visit at the cemetery in Sacramento
where Barkat Ullah was buried. He had died in
Sacramento in 1927. Born in Bhopal , he came in
contact with the Gadarites, most of who were the
Punjabi Sikhs and had a role in inciting the
Muslims of India against the foreign rulers. The
first day we went there the cemetery had closed
for the day. We had to go there again the next
morning. The Caucasian attendant immediately
pointed out to his grave when we enquired for the
spot where a famous Indian freedom fighter was
buried. Barkat Ullah was the Prime Minister of the
provisional Indian government in exile that was
established by the revolutionaries in Afghanistan
in 1915. His grave was found by Charan Singh
Judge, a community activist in 2001, the year when
the Islamic extremists had attacked the World
Trade Center in New York . The Muslims are facing
racial profiling in USA since then while the
prevailing prejudices against them have also been
amplified by the ultra Hindu nationalists in India
after 9/11. The Indo American Cultural Association
was asked to find his grave by the Desh Bhagat
Yadgar Hall in Jalandhar, Punjab. According to the
association leader, Makhan Bassi, Charan Singh
Judge took several months to find the place
through his contacts in the local Muslim
community. Once the grave was found a function was
held at the grave yard in the memory of Barkat
Ullah and people of both the Indian and Pakistani
origin attended the event. The immigrants of the
two neighbouring countries which were partitioned
on religious lines and have fought two wars came
together to pay tributes to a hero of an undivided
India.
This trip was largely educational and can be
described as a pilgrimage to the land of our
national heroes. However, I would still call it an
incomplete journey, as more needs to be done to
find out places named in the books of the Gadar
history, like the potato farm that was owned by
the party ideologues, the courtrooms where the
Gadarites were tried. The Barkley University where
the Gadarites studied should also be visited by
the historians to find more about these men. As
the centenary year of the launching of the Gadar
Party nears in 2013, a lot needs to be done to
preserve these monuments and relics so that the
younger generation can be guided about the history
and value of the revolutionary struggle which had
laid the foundation of secularism and social
justice in India.
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All women team to manage Sikh gurudwara in Canada
Jagpal S Tiwana
AT its annual General Body meeting held on
December 20, 2009 Maritime Sikh Society, Halifax,
Canada elected all women office bearers to run the Gurdwara for the year 2010.
This is not the first time that a woman has been
elected President of this Gurdwara. In 1993, when
Mrs. Gurdip Kaur Toor was elected President for
the first time, all other office bearers were
women. In 1994 Mrs. Surjit Kaur Sidhu and in 1998,
Mrs. Gurinder Kaur Dhillon were the Presidents.
In fact, the year 2009 was all devoted to
recognize and promote women’s seva to Guru Ghar.
When the 2009 executive was elected, we made it a
point to take oath of office from a woman.
Only women were honored at the end od this year.
Mrs. Kuldip Kaur Chehil, Mrs. Satpal Kaur Sodhi
and late Mrs. Gurdip Kaur Toor (represented by her
husband) were presented Siropas- robes of honor by
a senior and well respected lady, Mrs. Pritam Kaur.
It was in recognition of their meritorious service
to the Maritime Sikh Society since the society was
founded forty years back.
We also gave two awards to young girls for
rendering valuable service to the society. Miss
Sonia Singh got the 'Bhai Ghanayya', , ‘Sevadar of
the year’ award while the 'Best Speech in Punjabi'
award went to miss Sargam Paul.
We associate women in all activities of the
society. Besides preparing Guru Ka Langar, they
mostly lead the Sangat in reciting Ardas. Mini
ardas before putting Babaji to rest is always done
by a woman. On Akhand paths, mostly women take
turns in reading the whole of Guru Granth Sahib,
especially Nauven Mohulle de Silok. Majority of
the devotees who sing shabad are women and young
girls. This year on Baisakhi day in April, Mrs.
Amandeep Kaur was the only guest speaker and she
did an excellent job in covering the significance
of the birth of Khasla in 1699. She read her
scholarly paper in chaste Punjabi. Only girls are
taking music lessons from renowned musician Pandit
Vijay.
Maritime Sikh Society is a progressive society
where turbaned and non-turbaned Sikhs work in
harmony. Though according to the constitution only
Sikhs can become its members, we encourage Hindus
who are devotees of Guru Ghar to become members
and even are invited to serve on the executive.
From its very beginning there has never been a
contest in the election to the new executive; it
is always chosen unanimously. The Gurdwara library
is pretty up-to-date containing works of both the
Sikh and Western authors. We don't have a paid
Granthi; all work is done by volunteers.
At its annual General Body meeting held on
December 20, 2009 Maritime Sikh Society, Halifax,
Canada elected the following all women office
bearers to run the Gurdwara for the year 2010.
President Kanwal K Sidhu
V. President Krishna Grewal
Secretary Manvinder K Dhillon
Treasurer Sushma Paul
[The writer is President, Maritime Sikh
Society, Halifax, Canada]
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