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INDIAN economy with an annual growth rate of 8.75
per cent is moving fast if not galloping and
beating the developed world where economic
meltdown is far from over. The economy could grow
by 9 per cent the next year.
Economic growth is supported by strong
fundamentals. Gross domestic savings stood at 32.5
per cent of GDP in 2008-09 and the gross domestic
capital formation was 34.9 per cent. The outlook
for foreign trade is improving with both world
output and trade volumes picking up, though this
recovery is remains fragile. The broad-based
recovery creates room for a gradual roll-back of
the stimulus offered over the last year and a
half.
Yet how come over fifty per cent of the Indians
remain poor , surviving on just sixty rupees a day.
How do we account that 40 crore people have no
access to drinking water and close to 70 per cent
have no toilets , leading to sickness all around.
Agriculture sector is hard pressed with a negative
growth of 0.2 per cent and food inflation close to
20 per cent is hitting not only the poor but even
the middle classes. Yet finance minister Parnab Mukherjee has only paid lips sympathy to
this important sector that takes care of 50 per
cent of population. This sector also feeds and
sustains industry and service sectors. These are
the farmers who purchase 50 per cent of the
television sets, ten per cent of cars, 40 per cent
of two wheelers and much more. Except in the well
irrigated lands of Punjab, Haryana, Western Utter
Pradesh, parts of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu
and Karnatka, rest of India just survives.
The Economic Survey had argued that the time had
come for a shift to an “enabling” rather than an
interventionist state. That shift was supposed to
deliver non-intrusive governance. It meant to help
those who are poor and marginalized. It was supposed to ensure fiscal
consolidation through a reduction in the fiscal
deficit. Mukherjee has betrayed all this . Small
concession in a budget that is leading to inflation
means nothing.
Also , there is no visible effort to prune
expenditure and improve governance, one of the
causes of India's poverty. Government’s own
estimate say that just ten per cent of money
released for development actually reaches the
beneficiaries.
How far has the Finance Minister gone in
sustaining expenditures and pushing his objective
of being more inclusive? And, to the extent he
has, how has he mobilised the requisite resources
and what are the resulting implications?
Gross expenditure on Literacy and School Education
is slated to rise from Rs. 39,553 crore to Rs.
47,773 crore and on Higher Education from Rs.
14,376 crore to Rs. 16,690 crore. In addition, the
central plan outlay on Health and Family Welfare
is projected to rise from Rs. 18,283 crore to Rs.
22,300 crore. But, all this is partly the result
of a reallocation of expenditures. Thus, non-plan
expenditures on all social services are slated to
fall from Rs. 35,146 crore to Rs. 29,483 crore or
more than Rs. 5,500 crore. A planned cut in
subsidies on food and fertilizer, which would
impact on the poor and sectors like agriculture is clearly
reflected in the budget.
Through an “across-the-board” hike in non-oil
excise duties, adjustments in customs duties,
higher duties on oil and petroleum products and
expanded taxes on services, the Finance Minister
expects to garner an additional Rs. 70,000 crore
of indirect tax revenue. This is a reversal of the
practice of relying less on indirect and more on
direct taxes in recent years. Indirect taxes are
known to be inflationary in nature, hurting the
poor in the process.
This budget is sure to lead to inflation, increase
in disparities and social tensions and hence more
money to to be spent on internal and external
security than on welfare. Increase in the price of
petrol and diesel has automatically pushed the
prices , all across the board and this was visible on the day of the
budget.
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